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December 07, 2008

Stolen Elections

Mullah Omar just published his view on the 2009 election for the head of state of Afghanistan. He called on Afghans to boycott an election that has already been stolen. Some quotes: Don't be blinded by the fiction of the announced elections. In reality the choice is made in Washington. Whow ever is the figure selected, that one cannot lighten your woes, even when you are bombed thousands of times by America.

Mullah Omar also called on Afghans to unite. Some quotes: Once again the enemy is attempting to divide Afghans. Our religion teaches us to reject prejudice based on ethnicity. The only thing which unites us is Islam. As the Prophet Mohammad said, "Whoever fights for the benefit of his tribe is not one of us". If we unify ourselves, we are a strong nation which no foreign power on earth may overcome. We will determine for ourselves our destiny. If some Afghans hadn't joined the ranks of the Crusaders, the infidels never would have succeeded in invading Afghanistan.

I'm sure others will have this soon.

In the Bush universe, is anything Mullah Omar said "untrue"? What can "Washington do" to make any part of what Mullah Omar said less "true" after January 20th, 2009?

The long thinkum, which Juan pointed out a few days after the Lashkar-e-Taiba's diversionary operation in Mumbai, is if US policy organized and armed death squads, and the distinction between US-backed social reactionaries in El Salvador, Nicaragua and Guatamala and US-backed social reactionaries in Afghanistan, Pakistan and among the lunatic fringe of the Iranian exiles seems to be better domestic marketing, then what should US policy be when "we" collectively, are aware that the Reagan years were not "bad" in Central America and "good" in West Asia, but "very bad" everywhere?

Roberto d’Aubuisson Arrieta died at age 47. He and Mullah Omar, now 49, are both products of the United States. We need to re-think and re-tool, and just a change of regimes (in Washington) isn't sufficient, it was Carter's and Brzezinski's policy to induce Brezhnev to invade Afghanistan: "We now have the opportunity of giving to the Soviet Union its Vietnam War", Brzezinski to Carter, day of the Soviet invasion.

It has been American policy to create an attrition contest in West Asia. That contest began in 1978 and it consumed the Soviet Army and its allies, and it is consuming the American Army and its allies. Starting a "Verdun" isn't without long-term consequence. Attrition is indifferent to what it attrits.

"Winning it" isn't possible. Assisting d’Aubuisson kill off another 200,000 people to "win" the El Salvadorian civil war was a choice the US correctly did not make, and the Central American Wars have been replaced by the Central American Peace.

Was the Afghan War "the right war at the right time"? or was it an avoidable blunder, and for proponents of both answers, what next? The scope of the problem, the need to constantly keep the things that tend away from armed conflict, the things that tend towards social peace, makes me wish that Dennis Kucinich's vision of a Department of Peace actually was part of the transition plan, and tasked with transforming the American plan of record from winning a Verdun of its own creation to something less futile and historically less damnable than the mass suicide of 1916-1918 on the Western Front.

November 30, 2008

The BJP wants war

via the Hindu

BJP general secretary Gopinath Munde today said that his party would not allow any official of the Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) agency to "step into Mumbai".

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had earlier asked the Pakistani authorities to send the ISI chief to India to aid the probe of Mumbai terror attacks.

"We do not agree to ISI chief or any other official of that agency coming to India for probe. We will not let anybody from ISI to step into Mumbai," the BJP leader said in a statement.

The statement said that ISI had hand not only in the 1993 Mumbai blasts but also in 90 per cent of the blasts across the country.

"Inviting ISI for probe is like handing over treasury keys to the thief," Munde said.

To Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil's resignation, Munde said that it was 'too late' and Patil should have quit after the Delhi blasts in September last.


How many hours will it take before the Obama Campaign comments that the BJP isn't being helpful, and that George Bush and Dick Cheney have already shown the world the folly of jumping to conclusions.

MV Alpha

1668eb40415f9ee9e1f8613cf71adc35.jpgThe 'Vindhyagiri' (F42), a Leander class frigate, and helicopters from the Naval Air Station, Kunjali were involved in pursuit of the merchant vessel. The MV Alpha, a Vietnamese registered vessel in route to Panama, was intercepted, boarded and searched. The crew were questioned and the ship's papers checked and the vessel released.

There are elections in the very near future in India, and the BJP is doing media buys using the Mumbai mass-murder suicides to attack Congress for "surrendering to terror and accusing it of being "unable and unwilling to deal with terrorism." Basically, running the RNC playbook from the 2002 mid-term and the 2004 general. For its part Congress is toying with blaming "foreign interests", sacking Home Minister Shivraj V Patil and moving Minister P Chidambaram from Finance to Home. Just as the BJP forced Congress into a "unity" government after the 2001 attack on the Parliment, Congress may force the BJP into some "unity" arrangement to limit the use of the mass-murder suicides in electoral politics.

The Obama/Biden Transition Team have an opportunity, not to make "there's only one president at a time but you have our sympathies" calls, but to detail what went wrong with the US response to mass-murder suicides seven years ago, and what India should not do, which is what Bush/Cheney did do.

Juan Cole thought about this too overnight and has a post worth reading twice, India: Please Don't Go Down the Bush- Cheney Road.

There are really important issues here. What do American voters hope Indian voters will choose at the ballot box? It wasn't a non-issue for non-American voters what American voters did just four short weeks ago. What do American voters hope Pakistani voters chose? Yet another failed intra-dictator period of pathetic "democracy"? What do American voters hope Iranian voters will choose at the ballot box? Do American voters prefer bellicosity or cooperation? It shouldn't be too hard for the next President, the next Vice President, the next Secretary of State, to suggest trust and hope are better choices than anger and fear, and war is a genie that never goes willingly back into the bottle, and a million lives were lost because Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld exercised poor judgement as the elected leaders of a highly armed, temporarily failed, democracy, which we all hope to change.

November 27, 2008

Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh’s address to India

Dear Citizens,

The dastardly terror attacks that took place in Mumbai last night and today leading to the loss of many precious lives and injuries to many others have deeply shocked the nation. I strongly condemn these acts of senseless violence against innocent people, including guests from foreign countries. I offer my deepest condolences to the bereaved families and sympathies to those injured. The Government will take all necessary measures to look after the wellbeing of the affected families, including medical treatment of injured.

The well-planned and well-orchestrated attacks, probably with external linkages, were intended to create a sense of panic, by choosing high profile targets and indiscriminately killing foreigners.

I salute the courage and patriotism of the police officers, including the Chief of the Anti-Terror Squad, Shri Hemant Karkare and men who have laid down their lives in fighting these terrorists. I assure the country that we will attend in an urgent and serious manner to police reform so that the law and order authorities can work unitedly, effectively and in a determined manner to tackle such threats to national integrity.

We are not prepared to countenance a situation in which the safety and security of our citizens can be violated with impunity by terrorists. It is evident that the group which carried out these attacks, based outside the country, had come with single-minded determination to create havoc in the commercial capital of the country.

We will take the strongest possible measures to ensure that there is no repetition of such terrorist acts. We are determined to take whatever measures are necessary to ensure the safety and security of our citizens.

Instruments like the National Security Act will be employed to deal with situations of this kind. Existing laws will be tightened to ensure that there are no loopholes available to terrorists to escape the clutches of the law. Most importantly, it is essential to immediately set up a Federal Investigation Agency to go into terrorist crimes of this kind and ensure that the guilty are brought to book.

We will take up strongly with our neighbours that the use of their territory for launching attacks on us will not be tolerated, and that there would be a cost if suitable measures are not taken by them. We will take a number of measures to strengthen the hands of our police and intelligence authorities. We will curb the flow of funds to suspect organizations. We will restrict the entry of suspects into the country. We will go after these individuals and organizations and make sure that every perpetrator, organizer and supporter of terror, whatever his affiliation or religion may be, pays a heavy price for these cowardly and horrific acts against our people.

In this hour of tragedy, I appeal to the people to maintain peace and harmony so that the enemies of our country do not succeed in their nefarious designs. All concerned authorities are on alert and will deal sternly with any attempts to disturb public order.

I am confident that the people of India will rise unitedly to face this grave challenge to the nation’s security and integrity.

Jai Hind !

November 14, 2008

Was this trip necessary?

US to drop Mullah Omar from blacklist

RT Monitoring Desk

WASHINGTON: The US agrees to drop the name of the Taliban leader, Mullah Omar from the terror list ahead of talks with the insurgents, an official says.
"US intends to remove Mullah Omar from the black list in a bid to provide a suitable seedbed for holding contacts with the Taliban," said, the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Patrick S Moon. Moon added that during his upcoming visit to Kabul, he will fully support the idea of negotiated settlement with the Taliban militants to end the violence in the region. He also reiterated that the talks with the Taliban insurgents were possible within the Afghan Constitution, Press TV reported.



One thing which divided Juan Cole and I was the Afghan War. He thought it was "the right war at the right time for ..." I honestly don't recall what the phrasing was. I didn't. I thought 9/11 should have been left to InterPol for as long as it takes, that military method is indifferent to, if not hostile to, the accumulation of evidence, forensic and otherwise, unlike police method, and careless casualties and missed force-on-force opportunities, from Tora Bora to the present, were more probable than not, under method A, and less probable than not, under method B, and the crime ought not go uncorrected through error.

So the government of Mullah Omar, in exile, is going to be a party to the Afghan Peace Talks. This is progress, and its a pity the Bush/Cheney Regime inflicted so great a cost, first, on the US, and second, on Afghanistan and Iraq, and third, on Palestine, to get back close to where we could have been seven years ago.

August 20, 2008

Six hours with nothing but their sidearms

The operation conducted by the opfors 60km east of Kabul targeted a the French unit deployed as the advance guard of a convoy consisting of Afghan troops and US Special Forces that were in route to an area abandoned to the opfors between Kabul and Kapisa. The survivors interviews are inconsistent with command's narrative -- the later has all the KIAs in the initial phase of the ambush, the former has members of the unit, dismounted and 50 meters from the pass they were approaching to recon, pinned down by highly effective small arms fire for six hours until darkness allowed them to self-extricate. There was no air support until three hours after the opfors initiated the operation, no support from the Afghan or US forces in the convoy, and no rotary wing mounted rapid response resources available to the convoy. The wounded were recovered around 2am, and the opfor casualties are reported to be much lower than the IASF casualties.

I recommend (again) the works of Eric Margolis, who write for the Toronto Sun.

April 09, 2006

Iran 4 Dummies

First, Eric's Revised Guide to Garbage (original): If the writer uses "nuclear weapons program" to frame any piece on Iran, its the product of a neo-alchemist, who can transmute, or thinks Persian Magi can transmute, yellow dross into Likudnik gelt, for Passover.

Anyway, Primary targeting season in Persia.

I've written quite a few times on the domestic politics of Iran, the 24-part+ Return of the ... One True King series on the last two election cycles for the Majlis and the Presidentials, and the 6-part+ Return of the ... One True King (New Series) on the post-Presidential politics, and related in the 8-part+ Is Pakistan? series, and my other posts on the maritime balance of forces in the Indian Ocean / Gulf of Oman and the Port of Gwadar and access to energy and access to markets, traversing, as Borodin reminds us, the steppes of Central Asia, a piece originally written for jubilee of Tsar Alexander II.

Jeffrey Lewis from armscontrolwonk.com contributed three pieces series: Iran & the Bomb 1: How Close Is Iran?, Iran & the Bomb 2: Iran's Missiles, and Iran & The Bomb 3: Strike options.

We're fortunate that two of the three seats at the table are held by profoundly serious, intelligent persons. It would be a slight improvement if one of them was from North America, but there's little nationality left when general exchanges enter the planning repitoires, as we're all randomly distributed data points on the models for health consequences of nuclear war, and flags offer less protection than a bottle of Coppertone. It would be a significant improvement if all of the seats were held by profoundly serious, intelligent persons.

March 24, 2006

Just in case you were looking for this ...

Here's my copy of Venik's Aviation WarTime Edition of the Ramzaj group (Russian military intelligence, Main Intelligence Directorate, or GRU) reports from the now defunct iraqwar.ru website.


March 17, 2003, 1848hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 18, 2003, 0126hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 19, 2003, 0403hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 20, 2003, 1015hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 21, 2003, 0930hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 22, 2003, 0800hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 22, 2003, 1300hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow UPDATE
March 23, 2003, 1200hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 24, 2003, 0800hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 25, 2003, 1230hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 26, 2003, 1230hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 27, 2003, 1425hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 27, 2003, 2321hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow (UPDATE)
March 28, 2003, 1448hrs MSK (GMT +3), Moscow
March 29, 2003, 0924hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
March 30, 2003, 2042hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
March 31, 2003, 1828hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 1, 2003, 1404hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 2, 2003, 1335hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 3, 2003, 1301hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 4, 2003, 1507hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 5, 2003, 1357hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 6, 2003, 2000hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 6, 2003, 2000hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow UPDATE
April 7, 2003, 1914hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 7, 2003, 2400hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow (UPDATE)
April 8, 2003, 1613hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow
April 8, 2003, 1846hrs MSK (GMT +4 DST), Moscow

Recall, the Russian embassy in Baghdad was bombed, and the Russian mission to Baghdad ambushed on a highway as it attempted to get out of Iraq, in a couple of staff cars, both by US forces. Someday I hope to meet Venik. We can talk about planes.

March 23, 2006

The Enemy Press

E & P lists them:

The Wall Street Journal, New York Post, New York Daily News, New York Times, Chicago Sun-Times, Boston Herald, Kansas City (Mo.) Star, and the Washington Post.

From E & P, via Jack Pine Savage (home of putain, pod casts, and eventually I hope, wicked good slack guitar.

March 19, 2006

Bush Announces Start Of Iraq War

03-03-19_bush-small.jpgMy fellow citizens, at this hour American and coalition forces are in the early stages of military operations to disarm Iraq, to free its people and to defend the world from grave danger.

On my orders, coalition forces have begun striking selected targets of military importance to undermine Saddam Hussein's ability to wage war. These are opening stages of what will be a broad and concerted campaign.

More than 35 countries are giving crucial support, from the use of naval and air bases, to help with intelligence and logistics, to the deployment of combat units. Every nation in this coalition has chosen to bear the duty and share the honor of serving in our common defense.

To all of the men and women of the United States armed forces now in the Middle East, the peace of a troubled world and the hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you.

That trust is well placed.

The enemies you confront will come to know your skill and bravery. The people you liberate will witness the honorable and decent spirit of the American military.

In this conflict, America faces an enemy who has no regard for conventions of war or rules of morality. Saddam Hussein has placed Iraqi troops and equipment in civilian areas, attempting to use innocent men, women and children as shields for his own military; a final atrocity against his people.

I want Americans and all the world to know that coalition forces will make every effort to spare innocent civilians from harm. A campaign on the harsh terrain of a nation as large as California could be longer and more difficult than some predict. And helping Iraqis achieve a united, stable and free country will require our sustained commitment.

We come to Iraq with respect for its citizens, for their great civilization and for the religious faiths they practice. We have no ambition in Iraq, except to remove a threat and restore control of that country to its own people.

I know that the families of our military are praying that all those who serve will return safely and soon.

Million of Americans are praying with you for the safety of your loved ones and for the protection of the innocent.

For your sacrifice, you have the gratitude and respect of the American people and you can know that our forces will be coming home as soon as their work is done.

Our nation enters this conflict reluctantly, yet our purpose is sure. The people of the United States and our friends and allies will not live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace with weapons of mass murder.

We will meet that threat now with our Army, Air Force, Navy, Coast Guard and Marines, so that we do not have to meet it later with armies of firefighters and police and doctors on the streets of our cities.

Now that conflict has come, the only way to limit its duration is to apply decisive force. And I assure you, this will not be a campaign of half measures and we will accept no outcome but victory.

My fellow citizens, the dangers to our country and the world will be overcome. We will pass through this time of peril and carry on the work of peace. We will defend our freedom. We will bring freedom to others. And we will prevail.

May God bless our country and all who defend her.


Matt Ynglasias, Kevin Drum, ... were not correct when they ignored Barbara Lee (D-Berkeley), Robert Byrd (D-WV), and others on this issue, three years ago.

They are still not correct. Chris Miller will invoke Art. 1, § 8, cl. 15 to order the Maine Guard out of Irak. Whatever they are doing, it won't do that, and that is where things begin.

March 18, 2006

Riverbend writes: Three Years...

It has been three years since the beginning of the war that marked the end of Iraq's independence. Three years of occupation and bloodshed.

Spring should be about renewal and rebirth. For Iraqis, spring has been about reliving painful memories and preparing for future disasters. In many ways, this year is like 2003 prior to the war when we were stocking up on fuel, water, food and first aid supplies and medications. We're doing it again this year but now we don't discuss what we're stocking up for. Bombs and B-52's are so much easier to face than other possibilities.

I don't think anyone imagined three years ago that things could be quite this bad today. The last few weeks have been ridden with tension. I'm so tired of it all- we're all tired.

Three years and the electricity is worse than ever. The security situation has gone from bad to worse. The country feels like it's on the brink of chaos once more- but a pre-planned, pre-fabricated chaos being led by religious militias and zealots.

School, college and work have been on again, off again affairs. It seems for every two days of work/school, there are five days of sitting at home waiting for the situation to improve. Right now college and school are on hold because the "arba3eeniya" or the "40th Day" is coming up- more black and green flags, mobs of men in black and latmiyas. We were told the children should try going back to school next Wednesday. I say "try" because prior to the much-awaited parliamentary meeting a couple of days ago, schools were out. After the Samarra mosque bombing, schools were out. The children have been at home this year more than they've been in school.

I'm especially worried about the Arba3eeniya this year. I'm worried we'll see more of what happened to the Askari mosque in Samarra. Most Iraqis seem to agree that the whole thing was set up by those who had most to gain by driving Iraqis apart.

I'm sitting here trying to think what makes this year, 2006, so much worse than 2005 or 2004. It's not the outward differences -- things such as electricity, water, dilapidated buildings, broken streets and ugly concrete security walls. Those things are disturbing, but they are fixable. Iraqis have proved again and again that countries can be rebuilt. No -- it's not the obvious that fills us with foreboding.

The real fear is the mentality of so many people lately -- the rift that seems to have worked it's way through the very heart of the country, dividing people. It's disheartening to talk to acquaintances -- sophisticated, civilized people -- and hear how Sunnis are like this, and Shia are like that ... To watch people pick up their things to move to "Sunni neighborhoods" or "Shia neighborhoods". How did this happen?

I read constantly analyses mostly written by foreigners or Iraqis who've been abroad for decades talking about how there was always a divide between Sunnis and Shia in Iraq (which, ironically, only becomes apparent when you're not actually living amongst Iraqis they claim)... but how under a dictator, nobody saw it or nobody wanted to see it. That is simply not true -- if there was a divide, it was between the fanatics on both ends. The extreme Shia and extreme Sunnis. Most people simply didn't go around making friends or socializing with neighbors based on their sect. People didn't care -- you could ask that question, but everyone would look at you like you were silly and rude.

I remember as a child, during a visit, I was playing outside with one of the neighbors children. Amal was exactly my age -- we were even born in the same month, only three days apart. We were laughing at a silly joke and suddenly she turned and asked coyly, "Are you Sanafir or Shanakil?" I stood there, puzzled. "Sanafir" is the Arabic word for "Smurfs" and "Shanakil" is the Arabic word for "Snorks". I didn't understand why she was asking me if I was a Smurf or a Snork. Apparently, it was an indirect way to ask whether I was Sunni (Sanafir) or Shia (Shanakil).

"What???" I asked, half smiling. She laughed and asked me whether I prayed with my hands to my sides or folded against my stomach. I shrugged, not very interested and a little bit ashamed to admit that I still didn't really know how to pray properly, at the tender age of 10.

Later that evening, I sat at my aunt's house and remember to ask my mother whether we were Smurfs or Snorks. She gave me the same blank look I had given Amal. "Mama- do we pray like THIS or like THIS?!" I got up and did both prayer positions. My mother's eyes cleared and she shook her head and rolled her eyes at my aunt, "Why are you asking? Who wants to know?" I explained how Amal, our Shanakil neighbor, had asked me earlier that day. "Well tell Amal we're not Shanakil and we're not Sanafir -- we're Muslims- there's no difference."

It was years later before I learned that half the family were Sanafir, and the other half were Shanakil, but nobody cared. We didn't sit around during family reunions or family dinners and argue Sunni Islam or Shia Islam. The family didn't care about how this cousin prayed with his hands at his side and that one prayed with her hands folded across her stomach. Many Iraqis of my generation have that attitude. We were brought up to believe that people who discriminated in any way -- positively or negatively -- based on sect or ethnicity were backward, uneducated and uncivilized.

The thing most worrisome about the situation now, is that discrimination based on sect has become so commonplace. For the average educated Iraqi in Baghdad, there is still scorn for all the Sunni/Shia talk. Sadly though, people are being pushed into claiming to be this or that because political parties are promoting it with every speech and every newspaper -- the whole "us" / "them". We read constantly about how "We Sunnis should unite with our Shia brothers ..." or how "We Shia should forgive our Sunni brothers..." (note how us Sunni and Shia sisters don’t really fit into either equation at this point). Politicians and religious figures seem to forget at the end of the day that we're all simply Iraqis.

And what role are the occupiers playing in all of this? It's very convenient for them, I believe. It's all very good if Iraqis are abducting and killing each other -- then they can be the neutral foreign party trying to promote peace and understanding between people who, up until the occupation, were very peaceful and understanding.

Three years after the war, and we've managed to move backwards in a visible way, and in a not so visible way.

In the last weeks alone, thousands have died in senseless violence and the American and Iraqi army bomb Samarra as I write this. The sad thing isn't the air raid, which is one of hundreds of air raids we've seen in three years -- it's the resignation in the people. They sit in their homes in Samarra because there's no where to go. Before, we'd get refugees in Baghdad and surrounding areas... Now, Baghdadis themselves are looking for ways out of the city... out of the country. The typical Iraqi dream has become to find some safe haven abroad.

Three years later and the nightmares of bombings and of shock and awe have evolved into another sort of nightmare. The difference between now and then was that three years ago, we were still worrying about material things -- possessions, houses, cars, electricity, water, fuel... It's difficult to define what worries us most now. Even the most cynical war critics couldn't imagine the country being this bad three years after the war... Allah yistur min il rab3a (God protect us from the fourth year).

January 24, 2006

Follow-ups to Jeffery Lewis' three-part series

Dr. Jeffrey Lewis is posting this week at Joshua Micah Marshall's TPM Cafe. His first post asks "whether US & EU diplomacy might usefully exploit divisions within Iranian politics to slow Iran's nuclear programs". Its not how I'd approach the issue, since I think "utility" arises from necessity, and the necessity for Abenakis, Mainers, New Englanders, Blue Staters, "Americans" (minus the current Regime), North Americans, Atlantic Alliance-ians (ouch), North/Central/South Americans, and UN-ians (not quite as linguistically painful, but hard on the Birchers), for even having an opinion on an "Atoms for Peace" program in some South-West Asian state is beyond elusive.

One may be concerned about technical hygine and epidemology, examples are TMI, Chernobyl, Diné miner, and non-radiological carcinoginic clusters. One may be concerned about technical security, examples are the diversions of plutonium and enriched uranium over the past decades to Israel, and the modern recovery of HEU by Russian and American anti-proliferation efforts from research reactors. One might even be concerned about the theoretial possibility that the "Atoms for Peace" program, if it includes uranium enrichment or spent fuel reprocessing, may result in the accumulation of "weapons grade" fissile material.

Practially speaking, when "South-West Asian state" ment Pakistan, or India, or Israel, the level of concern, even when weponized inventories approached the level of the "minor" nuclear weapons states -- UK, France, or China -- has not been sufficient to motivate public discourse in support of aggression by direct military means.

I'm glad Jeffrey shared his work here.

Iran & The Bomb 3: Strike options

guest post by Dr. Jeffrey Lewis of armscontrolwonk.com.

This is third part in a three part series on Iran's nuclear capabilities that I am writing at the urging of Noah Shachtman from DefenseTech. (Read Part 1 and Part 2).

A diverse crowd, including Pat Buchanan’s American Spectator and Sy Hersh at the New Yorker, news outlets have been reporting signs of an imminent strike on Iran for a couple years now. The most recent stir was caused by German reporter Udo Ulfkotte, who claimed US officials were briefing our allies in Europe about plans for a military strike on Iran.

A lot of this rhetoric has been overheated. (Bill Arkin recently wrote a thoughtful post on the how strike planning has changed under the Bush Administration.)

Still, folks in the United States defense establishment have clearly begun to at least think about what a military option against Iran’s nuclear programs might look like. Newsweek recently reported “the CIA and DIA have war-gamed the likely consequences of a U.S. pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.”

In this post, I outline the parameters, challenges and prospects for a strike designed to eliminate just Iran’s nuclear programs. Overall, I think the prospects for a strike are mixed—a properly timed strike might delay Iran’s program by a few years, although there are good reasons to think that the long-term result of a strike would be to worsen America’s security.

What would a Strike on Iran’s Nuclear Facilities Look Like?

Conventional wisdom states that Iran’s facilities are too dispersed to permit a strike like the one Israel conducted against Iraq’s Osiraq nuclear reactor in 1981. (The Osiraq story is quite a bit more complicated than you might think.)

Iran’s facilities are more dispersed, but some key assets are probably quite vulnerable to an airstrike.

The Atlantic Monthly conducted a wargame that including plans for a strike. The Atlantic Monthly game envisioned a strike against “125 targets associated with nuclear and chemical and biological storage/production facilities” in Iran including “10 nuclear R&D site targets.” The total was about 300 aim points requiring about 20 penetrating weapons.

(The PowerPoint Slides are online in .pdf format.)

One can better understand the small target set for Iran’s nuclear facilities by looking at the list of facilities that Iran has declared (in some cases, under duress) to the IAEA:

List of Locations Releveant to the Implementation of the [IAEA] Safeguards

LOCATION AS OF NOVEMBER 2003 STATUS
TEHRAN NUCLEAR RESEARCH CENTRE Tehran Research Reactor (TRR) Operating
Molybdenum, Iodine and Xenon Radioisotope Production Facility (MIX Facility) Constructed, but not
operating
*Jabr Ibn Hayan Multipurpose Laboratories (JHL) Operating
*Waste Handling Facility (WHF) Operating
TEHRAN *Kalaye Electric Company pilot enrichment facility
BUSHEHR Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) Under construction
ESFAHAN NUCLEAR TECHNOLOGY CENTRE Miniature Neutron Source Reactor (MNSR) Operating
Light Water Sub-Critical Reactor (LWSCR) Operating
Heavy Water Zero Power Reactor (HWSPR) Operating
Fuel Fabrication Laboratory (FFL) Operating
Uranium Chemistry Laboratory (UCL) Closed down
Uranium Conversion Facility (UCF) Under construction, first process units being commissioned for operation
Graphite Sub-Critical Reactor (GSCR) Decommissioned
*Fuel Manufacturing Plant (FMP) In detailed design stage, construction to begin in 2004
NATANZ *Pilot Fuel Enrichment Plant (PFEP) Operating
*Fuel Enrichment Plant (FEP) Under construction
KARAJ *Radioactive Waste Storage Under construction, but partially operating
LASHKAR ABAD *Pilot Uranium Laser Enrichment Plant Dismantled
ARAK *Iran Nuclear Research Reactor (IR-40) In detailed design phase
*Hot cell facility for production of radioisotopes In preliminary design stage
*Heavy Water Production Plant (HWPP) Under construction Not subject to Safeguards Agreement
ANARAK *Waste storage site Waste to be transferred to JHL

*Locations declared in 2003

In addition to these sites, we might also hit the uranium milling facilities at Saghand and Gchine (more).

Most of these facilities are quite vulnerable to airstrikes—including the Uranium Conversion Facility at Esfahan and the Fuel Enrichment Plant at Natanz.

A major complication in strike planning concerns undeclared sites. Iran did not declare a facility at Parchin that David Albright and Corey Hinderstein believe “is a logical candidate for a nuclear weapons-related site, particularly one involved in researching and developing high explosive components for an implosion-type nuclear weapon.” Iran also did not declare a facility at Lavizan-Shian: When the site was revealed, the facility was bulldozed and the grounds scraped, possibly to defeat IAEA environmental sampling.

The existence of these facilities raises the questions of whether or not Iran has a parallel program of separate facilities. The evidence for separate facilities is sketchy. After Dafna Linzer reported that the revised NIE on Iran’s nuclear capabilities reflects “a fading of suspicions that Iran's military has been running its own separate and covert enrichment effort,” a State Department official explained the distinction in some detail to Paul:

The State Department official added that Iran's military is involved in the government’s nuclear weapons program in several other ways but did not elaborate. However, the official said that the military appears to be focused on activities such as organization, procurement, and funding. The United States does not know whether the military has been constructing nuclear facilities the official said, but added that there is no evidence of a "brick and mortar building" producing fissile material.


That said, the Robb-Silberman report identified shortcomings in intelligence related to Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. DNI Negroponte just acted on one of the Commission’s recommendations, appointing S. Leslie Ireland as mission manager for Iran. But much of the problem appears to be lack of human intelligence related to the lack of living and breathing assets in Iran.

The parallel program issue is the reason that some folks, including Michael Eisenstadt,, have been skeptical of the prospects for a military strike.

Natanz: Illustrative Scenario

This is an image of Iran’s centrifuge facility near Natanz. The boxes show the location of Iran’s underground bunkers for the Fuel Enrichment Plant.

Destroying this facility should not be difficult. Although the bunkers are buried, the exact locations are well know from images captured during construction.

According to reporters who visited the facility, the bunkers are about 18 m underground. That’s deep, but not so deep that the facility would withstand a GBU 28.

Incidentally, Israel is in the process of buying 100 GBU 28s from the United States. A coincidence, I am sure.

The problem with hitting the Natanz facility is that, at this point, it is basically a pair of empty bunkers—Iran’s centrifuge components are stored elsewhere and would probably be moved in the event of an impending airstrike.

That raises an interesting question of whether it might be a better idea to let Iran install the centrifuges before striking the facility. The alternative is hitting every warehouse in Iran .

Esfahan: Illustrative Scenario

The Uranium Conversion Facility is large, vulnerable building—it appears to be the long building below the large smoke stack.

Esfahan has another feature, however, that suggests a serious problem. North of the facility, there are a pair of roads that clearly reveal entrances to tunnels within the mountain. (Der Spiegel claimed the tunnels housed a secret Uranium Conversion Facility.)

Unlike the underground bunkers are Natanz, I am not sure the IC has any idea what is in those tunnels or their precise location beneath the mountain.

Prospects for Success

I don’t think there is any doubt that the United States could delay Iran’s program by a couple of years, particularly if Iran had to rebuilt its Uranium Conversion Facility and Fuel Enrichment Plants (probably much deeper underground the second time).

There is certainly no reason to launch a strike now, with Iran’s program several years off and many facilities not yet complete. As the cases of Natanz and Esfahan illustrate, a strike now would be conducted with more uncertainty than I would like.

That might buy some additional time—but for what?

The result will likely be an Iranian nuclear program outside of IAEA safeguards. An Iranian bomb is not, yet, a foregone conclusion. The degree to which Iran’s nuclear program has become an element of the country’s domestic politics suggests that fissures exist within Iranian elites that create space for negotiations. Those fissures might be quite severe, as suggested by a curious incident recently when Iranian delegates didn’t show up for a meeting with IAEA DG ElBaradei. If I had to guess, the Iranians missed the meeting because they were probably riven internally and couldn’t.

If that’s true, an airstrike now would probably unite Iranians, galvanizing support for a bomb program. Our information about Iran’s bomb program after a strike would likely be much less complete than it is now, having had the benefit of several years of intense IAEA scrutiny.

Other folks have wondered if the risk from an Iranian fuel cycle under IAEA safeguards might not be better than a much larger crisis that could arise from an initial set of limited airstrikes.

Newsweek reports that participants have not been pleased with the outcome of airstrikes in IC sponsored wargames. An Air Force source told Newsweek that “The war games were unsuccessful at preventing the conflict from escalating.”

This is essentially the same outcome in the Atlantic Monthly game. Writing in the New Republic, my friend Mike Mazarr (who played SECDEF) expressed some very serious concerns about escalation:


Iranian leaders would have very real reasons to respond to “surgical” strikes with an all-out assault on U.S. interests designed to provoke the sort of decisive clash that everyone assumes Iran wants to avoid. And the resulting conflict would have far worse consequences for the United States than Iran’s ability to create weapons-grade nuclear material.

All and all, at least for now, I think it’s best to keep talking.

Part 1 discussed how close Iran was to building a bomb; Part 2 discussed how far Iran could launch a nuclear warhead on a ballistic missile.


guest post by Dr. Jeffrey Lewis of armscontrolwonk.com.

January 22, 2006

Iran & the Bomb 2: Iran's Missiles

guest post by Dr. Jeffrey Lewis of armscontrolwonk.com.


This is second part in a three part series on Iran's nuclear capabilities that I am writing at the urging of Noah Shachtman from DefenseTech. (Read Part 1).

Once upon a time, Persian scientists spent their considerable talents making the world a better place, inventing useful things like batteries and studying the heavens (left).

Lately … not so much. They’ve focused on less ethereal pursuits like developing the technology to rain death and destruction on their neighbors.

Which brings us to today’s question: How far could Iran launch a nuclear weapon on a ballistic missile?

The answer really depends on two things: The size of Iran’s missiles and the size of Iran’s warheads.

Iran’s missiles aren’t that big, and it’s warheads aren’t that small. Without more testing of both, I think Iran would be hard pressed to deliver a missile to Israel, let alone Europe or the United States.

That said, Iran—with low confidence—might be able to build a 500-1000 kg warhead could hit targets thoughout the Middle East, including Israel if mated to its Shahab 3 IRBM (which, in a nod to Persia’s better days, means meteor or shooting star).

This is, I think, the very edge of Tehran’s capabilities and they would have very low confidence in either system without testing both, first.

Iran’s Nuclear Warheads

Iran’s nuclear weapons are the easy subject of speculation because they are, at this time, largely imaginary.

I tackled a similar question in a post entitled “Can North Korea Mate a “Simple Fission Weapon to the Taepo Dong 2?

Since we are talking about a crash program here—let’s assume that whatever Iran builds will not be tested except under what we might call “operational circumstances.”

Iran’s nuclear program is based around uranium, which can be made critical either by slamming a uranium pellet into a nearly critical mass of uranium (a gun-type device like we dropped on Hiroshima) or imploding sphere of uranium (like the Chinese did in the 1960s). The latter is the more likely route for a number of reasons, largely related to the size of the weapon. Since we are talking about a ballistic missile delivered weapon, let’s assume Iran goes the implosion route.

Harvard Professor John Holdren chaired the National Academies Committee on Technical Issues Related to Ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (2002). Holdren et al describe the limits to what new nuclear states might be able to build without nuclear testing:

Nagasaki was destroyed by an implosion weapon containing about 6 kg of plutonium. It weighed 9,000 pounds and had an explosive yield of about 20 kilotons. Fifty-five years later, and with all the information that has since been declassified, a state with the requisite technical skills in explosives, electronics, and metallurgy could with some confidence reproduce the Nagasaki device without the full-scale test the United States conducted in New Mexico on July 16, 1945. Many non-nuclear tests would be needed to demonstrate the mastery of the technology, and there would be some uncertainty in yield. A weapon weighing 1,000–2,000 pounds might similarly be built, with somewhat less confidence; this might resemble the U.S. Mark-7 bomb of 1951 that weighed 1,800 pounds.

The task of perfecting an implosion weapon is more difficult than the path leading to a U-235 gun-type weapon, but is essential if plutonium is to be used and also provides, as noted above, a path to a weapon using less U-235 than a gun design requires.

So, Holdren et al claim that the best a new state could do is a range of 450-1000 kg, with a much heavier design more likely.

That’s pretty consistent with what we see from new nuclear states. China’s first bomb—a uranium implosion device—weighed 1550 kg and had to be wheeled to the tower.

China tested it’s first missile delivered warhead with it’s fourth nucleat test, in October 1966 (see image at right).

The design for that device ended up in Pakistan, then Libya and (perhaps) Iran. David Wright and I estimated the warhead design was about 0.8-0.9 m in diameter and weighed about 500 kg—consistent with press reports about the size of the device. (See: More on Libya’s Bomb Design …, October 08, 2005).

As I said, Iran may have received a copy of this Chinese design, although it isn’t clear how helpful it would be. There is also the curious case of our friends at Langley, who may have thought it a clever idea to provide partially accurate implosion designs to Tehran in a misguided effort to confuse their scientists.

On the other hand, 500 kg is a damn small weapon for a new nuclear state. DIA, by comparison, estimates that the best North Korea could do is 650-750 kg warhead (using plutonium)—much too heavy for a Taepo Dong (and by extension, a Shahab 4, but more on that later).

So 500-1000 kg—in keeping with Holdren et al—forms a useful range for the mass of a nuclear weapon the Iranians could build (albeit one in which they would have low confidence without testing) if they were involved in a crash program to build a warhead for a ballistic missile.

This really, really heavy—as we’ll see, probably too heavy for any of Iran’s ballistic missiles. This is why folks like Sandy Spector have spent years writing articles like "Foreign-Supplied Combat Aircraft: Will They Drop the Third World Bomb?" (Leonard S. Spector, Journal of International Affairs 40:1, 1986)

Iran’s Missiles

The most useful information about Tehran’s ballistic missile program was laid out in Congressional testimony by National Intelligence Officer Bob Walpole entitled, The Iranian Ballistic Missile and WMD Threat to the United States Through 2015. Additional detail is available from Proliferation: Threat and Response and Ballistic and Cruise Missile Threat.

Tehran has a large number of short range ballistic missiles (100-500 km range) like the CSS-8, Scud B and Scud C. These can carry heavy payloads and reach targets very close to Iran—although they are famously inaccurate even for nuclear weapons.

What most of us want to know concerns Iran’s long range missiles—the ones that can hit us and our friends (and no, “allies” who forbid women from driving cars don’t count). Iran is developing the Shahab 3, which is basically an extended-range (1,300) North Korean No Dong (don’t snicker). Iran may also be developing an even longer range (2,000) km version. Bill Gertz relays the assessment of some Pentagon officials:


The two Iranian missiles are believed by the officials to be derivatives of the 620-mile-range Nodong and are dubbed the Shahab-3 and the Shahab-4. According to the Pentagon officials, the Shahab-3 will have a range of between 800 and 930 miles and will be capable of carrying a 1,650-pound warhead; the Shahab-4 will include improved guidance components and can travel up to 1,240 miles with a warhead weighing up to 2,200 pounds.


At 1,300 km (the official IC estimate for the Shahab 3), Iran would be able to target most of the Middle East, including Israel.

David Wright and Timur Kadyshev provided a technical analysis of the No Dong, including a notional payload-range curve, that helps explain the relationship between the size of Iran’s warheads and the range of the Shahab 3.

A 500-1000 kg warhead is probably the heaviest warhead the Shahab-3 could accomodate, particularly depending on the mass of Iran’s re-entry vehicle for the physics package. (DIA claims re-entry vehicles can consume about half the payload of longer range missiles and, even if you’re an anti-semitic jerk-off, you still don’t want your precious bomb breaking up on re-entry.)

I should also note that the Wright and Kadyshev estimate the circuclar error probable (CEP) for the No Dong on the order of 3-4 km—that means that half of the No Dongs would fall outside a 3-4 kilometer radius from the aim point. This is a significant inaccuracy, even for a nuclear warhead, that would limit Iran to targeting civilian populations instead of military targets. This is, of course, little comfort to folks living in the target of an attack, particularly its surburbs.

Iran is also working a longer range version of the Shahab that could extend Iran’s range into the Balkans, India and Egypt.

Iran’s chances of building an ICBM that can reach the United States arer pretty low for the near term—Iran would have to build a missile with a range of 9,000 or 10,000 km. Delivering a warhead with an ICBM also requires a shielded re-entry vehicle to protect the warhead that impose a substantial weight penalty.

Still, the US IC—as of 2005—judged that “Iran will have the technical capability to develop an ICBM by 2015” although “it is not clear whether Iran has decided to field such a missile.”

Putting It All Together

All and all, Iran might be able to deliver a nuclear weapon by ballistic missile against Israel, although Iran would have low confidence in the warhead and the accuracy of the missile.

That’s not much comfort if you live in Tel Aviv, but it wouldn’t give the Iranians, at least early on, much of a threat.

Iran could, of course, figure this all out eventually. It isn’t clear to me, however, that Iranian scientists have been thinking seriously about this problem—despite what you might have read in the New York Times.

Take the issue of “new” reentry vehicle that Iran tested for the Shahab in 2004. A former Israeli official told Jane’s Defence Weekly that the nose cone had been made extra roomy for a nuclear warhead:

The missile has a modified nose section allowing it to hold a larger warhead and thus provide additional room for a nuclear device. Israeli officials have said the larger nose section is capable of separation and visually appears similar to that used on the Russian SS-9 intercontinental ballistic missile. “It is not a copy of a known missile but the new Shahab has a major-league design. It’s clear that it is the work of seasoned missile engineers, probably Russian, rather than an experimental beginners,” version, added [Uzi Rubin, former director of Israel’s Ballistic Missile Defence Organisation].

Such extra room is vital as Iranian nuclear engineers would face major technical challenges in making the country’s first nuclear weapon light enough and small enough to fit on its existing missiles, particularly without benefit of having conducted full-scale nuclear weapons tests. The weapon is believed by US officials to be an indigenous design although knowledge gained from blueprints of a working, but too large nuclear weapon, provided by the Pakistani nuclear scientist AQ Khan would be helpful to the effort.

Using the the same photo analysis technique of publicly available photographs from the test (similar to the one pictured at right) that I described earlier in this post, David Albright calculated the diamater of the notional nuclear weapon could not exceed .6 M—much smaller and lighter (200 kg or so) than anything the Iranians could hope to build.

Extra roomy? Maybe. Roomy enough? I doubt it.

The bottom line: Iran might, might, be able to deliver a nuclear weapon against an Israeli city, but that would be at the extreme edge of their capabilities.

Much more worrisome, I would think, would be the weapon delivered by terrorists, perhaps on a ship.

Part 1 discussed how close Iran was to building a bomb; Part 3 will discuss prospects for a strike against Iran's nuclear facilities.


guest post by Dr. Jeffrey Lewis of armscontrolwonk.com.

January 21, 2006

Iran & the Bomb 1: How Close Is Iran?

guest post by Dr. Jeffrey Lewis of armscontrolwonk.com.



This is first part in a three part series on Iran’s nuclear capabilities that I am writing at the urging of Noah Shachtman from DefenseTech.

scary_picture.png

When some moron like Charles Krauthammer claims Iran is now just “months” away from a bomb, you can pretty much ignore him: He has no idea what he is talking about.

Overall, Iran is probably a little less than a decade away from developing a nuclear weapon. The key question here is how long it will take Iran to enrich a few tens of kilograms of uranium to more than 90 percent U-235.

Dafna Linzer reported that the US Intelligence Community does not believe that Iran could do so before “early to mid next decade”—a revision of previous assessments that Iran would “have the ability to produce nuclear weapons early in the next decade.”

Why so long? The answer is that Iran still has to build, install and operate its centrifuges to enrich uranium.

David Albright and Corey Hinderstein at the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) released an estimate that breaks down the steps for Iran to make fissile material for a bomb, along with a nifty satellite image (at right) of Iran’s Fuel Enrichment Plant (FEP) at Natanz.

Most references to Iran being “months” away from a bomb are really statements about how close Iran will be once it completes the FEP—something, as you will soon see, that will take a few years.

***

But, first a little digression …

Iran plans to house about 50,000 centrifues in the Fuel Enrichment Plant (FEP) at Natanz in order to produce low enriched uranium for a notional civil nuclear power program. The output of a centrifuge is measured in “seperative work units”—a measure of the amount of work required to enrich a given amount (product) uranium. In math:

Separative work per unit of product = V(XP) – V (XW) – F/P *[V(XF) – V(XW)]

V(S) = (2*S – 100) * LOG (S/(100-S)]

F/P = (XP- XW)/(XF-XW), where

XF = feed assay (W/O)

XP = product assay (W/O)

XW = tails assay (W/O)

V = separation potential

S = XF, XP, or XW

F/P = feed to product ratio

URENCO understood that most of us find math a quaint endeavor in the age of the calculator, so they posted a sweet SWU calculator on their website. Now, you too can caclulate how much SWU is required to produce 25 kg of HEU (a few thousand depending on some technical factors).

Each of Iran’s centrifuges has an output between 2-3 SWU/year. Iran plans a that the full scale FEP at Natanz will house 50,000 centrifuges, giving the plant a capacity of 150,000 SWU/year—enough for annual reloads of LEU for the Bushehr reactor or, if configured differently, 25-30 nuclear weapons worth of HEU per year. (More on Natanz)

Of course, those are Iran’s plans. Iran probably only has about 700 centrifuges, as well as components for another 1,000 or so.

***

So, the real question, however, is how quickly Iran could assemble and operate 1,500 centrifuges in a crash program to make enough HEU for one bomb (say 15-20 kg).

Albright and Hinderstein have created a notional timeline for such a program:


  • Assemble 1,300-1,600 centrifuges. Assuming Iran starts assembling centrifuges at a rate of 70-100/month, Iran will have enough centrifuges in 6-9 months.


  • Combine centrifuges into cascades, install control equipment, building feed and withdrawal systems, and test the Fuel Enrichment Plant. 1 year


  • Enrich enough HEU for a nuclear weapon. 1 year


  • Weaponize the HEU. A “few” months.

Total time to the bomb—about three years.

David and Corey state that this timeline is a worst case estimate that assumes Iran encounters no significant problems along the way:


This result reflects a worst case assessment, and thus is highly uncertain. Though some analysts at the IAEA believe that Iran could assemble centrifuges quicker, other analysts, including those in the US intelligence community, appear to believe that a date of 2009 would be overly optimistic. They believe that Iran is likely to encounter technical difficulties that would significantly delay bringing a centrifuge plant into operation. Factors causing delay include Iran having trouble making so many centrifuges in that time period or it taking longer than expected to overcome difficulties in operating the cascades or building a centrifuge plant.

The interesting question is what technical problems the US IC expects Iran to encounter. The thing about a crash program is that things, well, crash. In another paper, Albright and Hinderstein note some of the potential problems:


Iran might not be able to meet such a schedule for bringing a centrifuge plant into operation. The suspension of manufacturing and operating centrifuges could be reestablished, or Iran might have trouble making so many centrifuges. In addition, Iran does not appear to have accumulated enough experience to operate a cascade of centrifuges reliably. Iran had assembled 164 centrifuges into a cascade just before the suspension, but it did not acquire sufficient experience in operating the cascade to be certain it would perform adequately. Centrifuges can crash during operation, causing other centrifuges in the cascade to fail—in essence, destroying the entire cascade. Thus, Iran might need a year or more of additional experience in operating test cascades before building and operating a plant able to make HEU for nuclear weapons.

Yes, centrifuges spinning at supersonic speeds can crash. Especially if you don’t get the lead out.

***

Well, not really lead—but molybdenum hexafluoride (MoF6) (Folks in the 18th century thought molybdenum was lead—hence the name derived from molybdos, or lead in Greek).

I’ve previously emphasized one technical problem—the inability of Iran to make relatively pure uranium hexafluoride (“hex”) to be fed into centrifuges for enrichment. (See Got Gas? Iran Stinks at Making UF6, Aug 13, 2005)

Before introducing UF6 into a centrifuge cascade, the Iranians must rid the gas of impurities like MoF6 or the impurities will plug cascade piping, crashing Iran’s centrifuges.

Richard Stone in this week’s Science Magazine further documents the problems that Iran is having purifying hex at its Uranium Conversion Facility (UCF) near Esfahan:


Creating purified UF6, which can be fed as a gas into centrifuges for isotope separation, would be a much bigger one. According to an official at the U.S. State Department, Iran has struggled to convert UF4 into UF6, a dangerous process involving highly toxic and corrosive fluorine gas. The official also claims that Iranian UF4 is tainted with large amounts of molybdenum and other heavy metals. These oxyfluoride impurities in UF6 “might condense” and thereby “risk blockages” of valves and piping, an IAEA specialist told Science.

Iran’s bad at making hex in part because the Clinton Administration convinced the Chinese to stop building the UCF—a major nonproliferation victory that Stone mentions. Stone cites an interview that Dr Mohammad Saeidi, AEOI deputy for planning and international affairs, discussing the deleterious impact of the Chinese cut-off. (See: Sticks and Stones: China, Iran and the UCF, Sep 05, 2005 . Contains the full-text of the interview, in the event you’re interested.)

Stone also mentions a series of stories by Mark Hibbs detailing Iran’s difficulty in using pulse columns to purify uranium. (Iran’s UF6 Is Crap, Sep 28, 2005 and Chinese mixer-settlers at UCF, Oct 20, 2005).

How long will it take Iran to get it’s act together on hex? Hibbs reported a wide variety of estimates among intelligence services:

Intelligence analysts do not agree on how long it will take Iran to solve current process chemical problems at its restarted Uranium Conversion Facility (UCF) at Isfahan.

These difficulties have thus far prevented Iran from producing uncontaminated uranium hexafluoride (UF6) feedstock for its gas centrifuge enrichment program. Last month, as Iran prepared to operate the plant, Vienna officials said that Iran would require “at least several months” to address its problems (NF, 15 Aug., 1).

According to Israeli government analysts now examining related technical issues, it may take Iran two or three months to begin producing pure UF6. According to U.K. government experts, however, Iran may need about 18 months to do that.

But government analysts do agree on one point: The higher the enrichment level sought by Iran from its gas centrifuges, the more critical it will be for Iran to first eliminate technical problems associated with producing pure UF6.

***

Iran still faces a number of technical challenges before it can start churning out fissile material. Those challenges are going to years to solve.

Parts 2 and 3 will discuss whether Iran could mate a warhead to a missile and prospects for a strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities.


guest post by Dr. Jeffrey Lewis of armscontrolwonk.com.

January 20, 2006

Persian Letters

I've written quite a few times on the domestic politics of Iran, the 24-part+ Return of the ... One True King series on the last two election cycles for the Majlis and the Presidentials, and the 6-part+ Return of the ... One True King (New Series) on the post-Presidential politics, and related in the 8-part+ Is Pakistan? series, and my other posts on the maritime balance of forces in the Indian Ocean / Gulf of Oman and the Port of Gwadar and access to energy and access to markets, traversing, as Borodin reminds us, the steppes of Central Asia, a piece originally written for jubilee of Tsar Alexander II.

More recently I wrote about what we can, and haven't done, lacking state power, budget, imagination, and perhaps even a determination to prevail. Hugo Chavez demonstrated, in principle at least, that progressives can reach past the barriers of dysfunctional states and their controlling elites. It makes me sick with grief that I lead the effort to get Maine Tribes involved with Hugo Chavez, that CITGO has categorized "Tribes" as belonging to States, and most of all that Melvin Francis was killed a week ago this evening in pursuit of a hare I started. But the fact remains that, as I wrote in Snake Oil and Hope, Wampum, November 15, 2005

... we still have to figure out our relationships, and not just with les banlieues populaires in France, through, or independent of, several preconceptions of race and migration, but also with the progressives in Iran, the secular nationalists in Iraq, the Reconcilliation and Peace movements in Israel/Palestine...

I've added emphasis because as usual, the "muscular" wing of the Democratic Party, and the always insane body of the Republican Party, are working the Domestic Dependent Media for another AUF, and all an AUF entails. I suppose the "muscular" Democrats hope to replace the insane Republicans, leaving the rest of the AUF debris unchanged.

I've invited Jeffery Lewis from armscontrolwonk.com to post here, and I'm asking others as well. The ground rules are simply no drooling. This note simply serves notice that during the Koufax period we'll be putting the best material that we can on Wampum. These will be our Lettres persanes de 1721.

January 14, 2006

Hizb ut Tahrir and conceptions of the caliphate

Juan Cole has a piece today link that mentions the Hizb ut Tahrir, as well as the Moslem Brotherhood. Since we've been the recipients of the Hizb's occasional letters for some time, here is a search of Wampum for Hizb al Tahrir. This saves me a lot of work and as today is packing day (we move to a year lease in the charmingly central European accented Moose and Squirrel Hill bit of Pittsburgh tomorrow), I've work enough. Sorry about the format.

Bullets were falling like rain


I've been waiting for this [HWR's website update] since it [news of the report] first appeared in Pravda and the Turkish press yesterday. Human Rights Watch has published a report on the killing of unarmed protesters by the Uzbek government...


Posted in Wampum on June 7, 2005 06:05 PM


Friday Roundup


Russian media sources are running "it wasn't us" and "it was Chechens and other non-Uzebeks". Meanwhile the Uzebek dictatorship, a Washington client regime, is still keeping out all the body counters and is sticking with its "173 foreign criminals and...


Posted in Wampum on June 3, 2005 03:15 PM


This afternoon's mail from Central Asia


It is now beyond doubt that George Bush and Tony Blair conspired to fabricate a cause for war, resulting in the deaths and injuries of thousands of Americans and British nationals, and at least a hundred thousand Iraqi nationals. With...


Posted in Wampum on May 30, 2005 08:57 PM


From the Hizb ut-Tahrir


Overnight mail. Compare with Scooter's current. Download file. Yes. HTML in mail is quite ugly, however, it is still readable, but then again, so are crash dumps in hex to a mammal that cares....


Posted in Wampum on May 16, 2005 01:33 PM


Akromiya and Hizb ut-Tahrir (updates)


"Such people [Islamists] must be shot in the forehead! If necessary, I'll shoot them myself." Islam Karimov, President of Uzbekistan. See also earlier posts on the Central Asia Oil Pipeline (Uzbekistan to Gwadar, Pakistan, via Turkmenistan to Afghanistan) in the...


Posted in Wampum on May 13, 2005 09:09 PM


More Mail from Central Asia


I just got more mail from the Hizb ut-Tahrir in Pakistan. It appears that there have been arrests of Hizb members, one in fact from the Lahore Press Club, who was protesting earlier arrests. The arrestees are listed as "Dr.Abdur...


Posted in Wampum on October 21, 2004 02:22 PM


Political Program of the Hizb ut-Tahrir


I've been thinking about the mail I keep getting from Naveed Butt, spokesman of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Pakistan. There is really very little direct exposure to the political programs of political parties in Central Asia in the US press, and...


Posted in Wampum on September 11, 2004 04:04 PM


This morning's mail from Central Asia


This morning's mail brought us a press release from the Office of the Official Spokesman of Hizb ut-Tahrir In Pakistan [1]. Mr. Naveed Butt denies responsibility for the Hizb ut Tahrir for the three coordinated explosions that took place in...


Posted in Wampum on August 4, 2004 09:39 AM


Elsewhere in Blog-i-stan


Over on Atrios, Tena has a piece on the latest alleged al-Zawahri tape. In it, the speaker is calling on the citizens of Pakistan to rise up and overthrow their pro-American government link. Owing to my Return of the ......


Posted in Wampum on March 25, 2004 05:17 PM


Return of the ... One True King (pt 5)


New readers, this part 5 in a series. The most recent prior installment is Part (4), Part (3) has links to Parts 2 and 1. 789. Old readers, I'm going to continue the update format, top-posting. viz [now][old][older][the press]. [Update...


Posted in Wampum on February 19, 2004 08:50 AM



November 11, 2005

Walking on Armistice Day

It took 18 days to collapse (and invert) the Iraq Army defensive perimeter, from the initial movement order to the final investment of central Baghdad.

One plan, which I will characterize as "Stay the Course", broadly retains US forces as they were on Day 18, until resistance, operations by the inverted Iraq Army and civil defense forces, cease, and the Second Iraq Army obtains a lasting monopoly on operational violence.

One plan, which I will characterize as "Transition and Downsize", broadly reduces US forces from the Day 18 force level, synchronized with decrements in the operations by the inverted Iraq Army and civil defense forces, and increments in the operations by the Second Iraq Army towards a lasting monopoly on operational violence.

One plan, which I will characterize as "Substitution in Place", broadly substitutes other forces for US forces from the Day 18 force level, and proceeds along the trajectory of the "Transition and Downsize" plan.

These differ in the estimated period of time it takes to achive the end of reducing US forces in Iraq to levels which are operationally insignificant, though all share an inability to state how an indefinite "Exit Strategy" is finally operationalized, and within each there are variations of form, specific to the composition of the US force structure, but they share the predicate condition, the ceasation of operations by the inverted Iraq Army and civil defense forces.

They also all share a comon area of operations model. The universe of Iraq's territorial extent is flat, undifferentiated, without exception.

The test of theory is predictive value.

The theory that the Iraq Army would not invert when the Iraq Army defensive perimeter was collapsed has been tested. To a first order, it is theory unsupported by fact.

The theory that civil defense forces would not organize and operationalize in the rear areas has been tested. To a first order, it is theory unsupported by fact.

The theory that operations by the inverted Iraq Army and civil defense forces would be made ineffective by military or political means, has been tested. To a first order, it is theory unsupported by fact.

The theory that the occupation model of Iraq's territorial would remain undifferentiated, that the occupation cost in lives and material would be location independent, restated, that no "no go" areas would come into existance, requireing concentration of US forces and forcing draw-downs elsewhere, imposing a pursuit of a coordinated guerilla model on US forces, has been tested. To a first order, it is theory unsupported by fact.

Military planning that is consistent with an accurate prediction of oppositional forces and their capabilities and intentions is superior to military planning which is not.

US forces will continue to loose operational advantage to the inverted Iraq Army and civil defense forces at discreet time and location. The rate of loss, and the cost of recovery of advantage, is not converging. The primary locus of areas where US forces will continue to loose operational advantage is the area in which US forces moved into on days 14, 15, 16, 17 and 18 of the maneuver and annihilation phase of the US invasion of Iraq.

A plan, which I will characterize as "Step Back", broadly reverses the advance of US forces from their position on Day 18 to their position on Day 1, allowing the inverted Iraq Army and civil defense forces to deinvert and reform the Iraq Army defensive perimeter. Within the Iraq Army defensive perimeter, the monopoly on violence would be uncontested by US forces, The distinction between the inverted Iraq Army and the Second Iraq Army, mooted by the recent "junior officers" decision, will be resolved by means other than maneuver and annihilation.

This is a plan for an Amistice. A Walking Armistice. At the rate of a month's planned reverse for each day of reckless advance, one that would, in its first months, walk the last US units out of central Iraq. One that would leave US forces in southern Iraq much longer, and at some point, recreate the northern and southern "No Fly" zones, on the ground, and finally place US forces where they were before the initiation of hostilities in 1991.



This note is incompatible with the plans offered by Juan Cole, Wes Clark, John Kerry, and of course, George Bush.

October 11, 2005

Levin's "Using Our Leverage: The Troops"

Wampum, October 31, 2004:

a cease-fire supports our troops.

a cease-fire ends planned manuvers that are likely to result in battle, and removes the americans from the iraqi domestic calculation of the balance of forces. it isn't peace, but it is better than what we have, because we don't know who the real rulers of iraq are, or will be.

as long as our troops are proping up some party or another, they will be the "buffer" between the militia of a party that can't hold onto civil government by its own organic means, and the other militias that are no worse qualified.
...


Senator Carl Levin (D-MI), October 10, 2005:

...
Our military leaders have long told us that there can be no purely military solution in Iraq and that a genuine, broad-based political settlement among the Iraqis is essential for success and for the defeat of the insurgency.
...
I believe that if the Iraqis fail to reach a political solution by the end of the year we must consider a timetable for withdrawal of U.S. forces. This does not mean setting a date now for departure. It simply means conveying clearly and forcefully to Iraqis that the presence of our forces is not indefinite and that our staying there requires them to come together politically, since Iraqi unity offers the only hope of defeating the insurgency.
...

I've struck out the bits of Levin's comment that simply don't make sense, as nationalist insurgencies aren't "defeated" by cotillions of puppet politicians, but by the transformation of nationalist movements from armed operations to political operations. Fortunately, "defeating of the insurgency" is non-operative language once Levin's text makes it past the censors inside the beltway, as the transformation of the Al Sadr militia demonstrated earlier in the Bush Romance with Cordite.

Unconditional victory sounds nice, and after his speech of Sept. 30th, 1943, that the German Army would never leave Stalingrad, the Madman-at-Wolfsschanze would hear "no bad news". We've an Idiot-at-Crawford, and Cheney and the NeoCons happy to play Madmen-in-the-Oval, all hearing-adverse when the news is ... reality-based.

Removing U.S. forces from the Iraqi domestic calculation of the balance of forces is not optional. it will happen one way or another. We must consider timetables for withdrawal of U.S. forces. While we are considering timetables, we must also consider the alternatives each timetable draws down the existing U.S. forces Order of Battle.

If policing, or reinforced policing, is our policy (articulated by Cole), then heavy maneuver and combat air and their logistical tail are not necessary, and war with Iran becomes non-startable (it is always non-winable, for large values of definitions of "winable"). Unfortunately, Juan arives at the inverse, and advocates removing U.S. infantry as being inherently incapable of achieving military / political goals (Fallujah et al.), and leaving heavy maneuver and combat air and their logistical tail -- to reinforce the militias-of-the-moment that control the "Iraqi Army".

If stability, or a monoploy of violence, is our policy (articulated by Clark), then infantry and heavy maneuver and combat air and their logistical tail are necessary, until their target inventory is exhausted, and war with Iran remains startable, though non-winable, or about the time that Nationalisms are extinguished in Iraq, all competitors to the militias-of-the-moment that control the "Iraqi Army" and the "Iraqi Government" are killed or captured (and executed), hell freezes over, and Americans and Iraqis agree that Iraq really is the 52nd state in the Union.

We need to get most dangerous part of the force structure de-articulated from the Iraq theater of operations. Three years ago we could have saved the Iraqi Army as an institution temporarily without political leadership, and saved 1,500 US KIA and an absurdly large number of Iraqi civilians and a pathetically small number of Iraqi irregulars also KIA, and an order of magnitude each, of wounded, if we'd simply deedee[d] back several klicks and treat[ed] the opfors like WARSAW Pact forces who've temporarily misplaced their leadership. It was heavy maneuver and combat air and their logistical tail that made that mistake militarily possible, and US politics (Idiots and Madmen, see above) that made that mistake policy. Those are the first elements, not the last elements, that need to be withdrawn, not just from the Halliburton Fortresses, but from CENTCOM's AOR. At any point in time until there is an elected government in the US, it is heavy maneuver and combat air and their logistical tail in the CENTCOM AOR that hangs over our heads.

John Abizaid has no necessity, or utility case, for a substantial accumulation of assets. Its not reducing the daily killed-on-C1 (the Greensboro paper put all six of Saturday's II MEF KIA on C1), its about taking the Bush Romance with Cordite off life support, and containing the size and scope of its death rattle.

August 26, 2005

The Wes Clark Show (rerun)

I guess I expect too much.

Clark, like about everybody who thinks Robert C. Byrd, D-WV, is a quaint folk figure, invests the Executive Branch, or rather, General Abizad (US CENTCOM, aka "Blue Player") and General Iizbad (Iraq National Resistance, aka "Red Player"), with the sole discretionary authority over the half-billion-dollar-a-day burn rate on the US treasury.

I'm not particularly fond of absolutism. It is Commons, not the Crown, that raises taxes and levies armies, and that has been a bedrock principle of English law since Charles I was shortened by a foot. Absolutism is answered with the Ax.

If Congress wants to continue the Bush fiasco, that's grist for the mid-terms mills, and there is no reason why Progressives shouldn't run primary challenges against pro-fiaso incumbants who style themselves as members of the Opposition Party, nor why Greens shouldn't also run general election challenges against pro-fiasco Democrats. It is the Commons, not the Crown, that voted the $87 billion dollars, and each subequent grant of authority to continue. There is also no reason why Democrats should run the boards against Republicans who are creatures of the Executive and who've either abandoned their Constitution duty to exercise authority, or who simply believe that the fiasco isn't a fiasco.

No former or latent candidate in the '08 cycle should be letting the Congressional majority off the hook on the testosterone issue set before the end of the '06 cycle. That's simply dumb politics. I want to work a winning House race in the '06 cycle against some Republican incumbant. I don't want a bunch of Demo-tards zeroing out the value of the target's votes to fund the CENTCOM clusterfuck.

Recall, in his prior policy piece, Clark wanted to put the Saudis in charge of getting police authority into the tribal areas of Pakistan where OBL is thought to be confined, which based on what little I know (see my "Is Pakistan?" series, Google is your friend), is about as unlikely to accomplish the policy goal as tasking the Penguins (Pittsburg or Polar, S.) with the same mission. OBL is in a jurisdictional iffy area _because_ it is a jurisdictional iffy area, and that isn't going to get less iffy by replacing the Punjabi Occupational Forces with Penguin Occupational Forces, for large values of Penguin, Occupational, and Forces. Here's what I wrote when that piece appeared last April: The Wes Clark Show.

He did better when writing a critical piece on the MOUT fiasco in Fallujah in November 2004, but he showed even then that he couldn't conceptualize the actual conditions in Iraq -- CENTCOM and its puppets don't have, and can't achieve by military means, a monopoly on the use of force, as the Resistance points out daily, and he couldn't conceptualize the principle of civilian control over the military -- war ends, not when John Abizad and Ignatz Iizbad agree to end their mutually assured reproduction, but when Congress chooses, even if its because it is some random Tuesay after a prime number of war-time days, and there is a sale at Bloomindale's. Here's what I wrote when that piece appeared in November 2004: Comments on Clark in WaPo.

Now, on to particulars. [I'm out of time, I'll get back to this, but insert Riverbend's take on "Its the economy (electricity, water, gas, heating oil, ...) stupid" here, while critically deleting Haliburton and the rest of the Bush Kleptocracy here.]

I know Wes doesn't read what I write, but if he did I'd mention to him that these are not fatal mistakes in a Democrat, if fixed, and that he needs to win an election in the '06 cycle to be competitive in the '08 cycle primaries.

The current Clark piece "Before It's Too Late in Iraq" is here: link.

Continue reading "The Wes Clark Show (rerun)" »

May 13, 2005

Akromiya and Hizb ut-Tahrir (updates)

bush_karimov_1.jpg�Such people [Islamists] must be shot in the forehead! If necessary, I�ll shoot them myself.�
Islam Karimov, President of Uzbekistan.

See also earlier posts on the Central Asia Oil Pipeline (Uzbekistan to Gwadar, Pakistan, via Turkmenistan to Afghanistan) in the "Is Pakistan?" series. Uzbekistan is the eighth-largest producer of natural gas in the world, and Turkmenistan exports natural gas via Uzbekistan to Russia.

Best "other side" view: www.muslimuzbekistan.com.

Update: (2) Imran Wahid, a Hizb ut-Tahrir spokesman in London, has denied any involvement by Hizb ut-Tahrir in the unrest in Andijan. Recall that in August 2004, President Islam Karimov has fingered the Hizb ut Tahrir for two bomb attacks on the diplomatic posts of the US and Israel in Tashkent, before any forensic evidence could have supported any assignment of blame. Ultimately the August 2004 attacks were claimed by Islamic Jihad in Uzbekistan.

(1) An AFP reporter in Andijan has seen 20 to 30 bodies. The central hospital in Andijan reports it has received 50 bodies. Saidjahon Zaynobidinov, president of the human rights organization Appeletsia reported via phone to Interfax, "At dawn the bodies were taken in five vehicles, three ZIL trucks, a Oural truck and a bus. The trucks and bus were filled with bodies. Other reports from Andijan have the number of civilians killed by the military at 300 to 500. End update.

For readers who may have missed coverage of Central Asia -- when I started writing about the election cycle for the 7th Majlis in Iran, I started to get mail. Relevant to the news from Andijan (Ferghana valley) are these two items: This morning's mail from Central Asia (August 04, 2004) and Political Program of the Hizb ut-Tahrir (September 11, 2004).

This evening's news from Andijan (eastern Uzbeckistan) via Moscow and directly from Andijan is the confirmed dead count is 10, but fighting has continued into the night, and the number now at 50 and growing. State forces using assault weapons and armor attacked a crowd of between 2,000 and 5,000 mostly unarmed persons who formed a protective perimeter around the city municipal buildings.

Earlier today between 50 and 100 persons seized a military garrison and its weapons, then attacked a prision, liberating about 2,000 prisioners according to a Uzbek human rights organization, and then seized the town administration building where they were joined by several thousand residents who sought jobs and a relaxation of the worst-in-the-former-Soviet-Union dictatorship of Islam Karimov.

CNN and the BBC in Uzbekistan are blocked by jammers, and state controlled TV is running entertainment and music. There are burnt out cars in the streets. Two theaters were burned overnight.

The residents have asked for Russia to mediate but Sergey Lavrov, head of Russian diplomatic mission to Uzbeckistan declined, labeling the Andijan uprising an internal affair of Uzbeckistan.

I recommend reading the political program of the Hizb ut-Tahrir. It helps to know who's who. The proximal cause (other than Karimov's absurd dictatorship) is the arrest and pre-trial conviction of 23 local businessmen as "Islamic terrorists", a thesis Whitehouse spokesperson Scott McClellan bought and resold to the evening gaggle, without any apparent thought.

Karshi-Kanabad (K2) Airbase, a/k/a Camp Stronghold Freedom, is a logistics base that supports US Army operations in Afganistan.

Also blogging: billmon.

Continue reading "Akromiya and Hizb ut-Tahrir (updates)" »

April 05, 2005

The Wes Clark Show

I was happy to give my spot on the Wes Clark Con-Call-with-Bloggers on the Iraq War to Riverbend, an Iraqi woman who's blog is a gem of reason, but then one of my sons twiched in his sleep and I awoke from the real world of dreams to this far-less real world of sleeplessness.

Riverbend's piece on American Media begins:


You wake up in the morning. Brush your teeth. Splash the sleep out of your eyes and head for the kitchen for a cup of coffee or tea and whatever is available for breakfast.

You wander to the living room and search for the remote control. It is in its usual place- stuck inexplicably between the sofa cushions. You turn on the television and stand there flipping from one channel to the other, looking for a news brief or something that will sum up what happened during those six hours you slept. You finally settle on the pleasant face on the screen- the big hair, bright power suit, capped teeth and colorful talons- blandly reading the news. The anchoress is Julie Chan. The program is CBS�s The Early Show (Live from Fifth Avenue!).

Guess the nationality of the viewer above. Three guesses. American? No. Canadian? No. British? Japanese? Australian? No, no and no. The viewer is Iraqi� or Jordanian� or Lebanese� or Syrian� or Saudi� or Kuwaiti� or� but you get the picture.


She ends it with this:

We sat there watching like we were a part of another world, in another galaxy. I�ve always sensed from the various websites that American mainstream news is far-removed from reality- I just didn�t know how far. Everything is so tame and simplified. Everyone is so sincere.

Furthermore, I don�t understand the worlds fascination with reality shows. Survivor, The Bachelor, Murder in Small Town X, Faking It, The Contender� it�s endless. Is life so boring that people need to watch the conjured up lives of others?

I have a suggestion of my own for a reality show. Take 15 Bush supporters and throw them in a house in the suburbs of, say, Falloojeh for at least 14 days. We could watch them cope with the water problems, the lack of electricity, the check points, the raids, the Iraqi National Guard, the bombings, and- oh yeah- the �insurgents�. We could watch their house bombed to the ground and their few belongings crushed under the weight of cement and brick or simply burned or riddled with bullets. We could see them try to rebuild their life with their bare hands (and the equivalent of $150)�

I�d not only watch *that* reality show, I�d tape every episode.


I'm using Juan Cole's notes from the call, available at Informed Comment, so its my paraphrase of Juan's paraphrase of a con-call.

Clark characterized the Bush regime'spolicy in Iraq as an operational stepping stone to overthrowing the regimes in Syria and Iran.

So he must be aware that 10^^6 troops, heavy armor, artillary, combat air and heavy lift air, and an operational logistical tail plus a fully charged sea lift, is waiting for a movement order, and there is a real risk that the regime's movement order won't be "return home".

Clark insisted that the Iraq crisis differs significantly from Vietnam in that the guerrillas in Iraq are so over-matched that they can never hope to engage in more than hit-and-run operations.

So he knows that most of the heavy armor, artillary, and combat air deployed in Iraq serve no useful purpose for the operation of record -- suppression of insurections. Yet they are still in-country, burning money. Waiting for a movement order.

He also knows that the guerrillas in Iraq are of no military consequence to the US military.

So he knows that the guerrillas in Iraq are of little or no military consequence, to an Iraqi military.

Clark said the success of this enterprise requires that the government in Iraq have political legitimacy. If there is a way out, this is the way [i.e. that the Sunni Arabs would gradually give allegiance to the new elected government in Iraq].

But he knows that guerrilla wars are primarily political in nature, they can never be won until the war against the guerrilla movement becomes a political issue in the domestic politics of the aggressor state, and they can never be sustained if the war against the occupational force becomes a political issue in the domestic politics of the occupied state.

The presence of US forces in Iraq enhances the political legitimacy of the guerrillas. Absent a unifying foreign target the guerrillas are reduced to using "Bad Arab" or "Beard not long enough (or too long)" to sustain their recruiting and attrition-by-suicide goals.

Apparently not mentioned in the call was the raison d'être for continuted American presence in Iraq -- that without it, there would be civil war.

So, if the guerrillas in Iraq are of little or no military consequence, they can't start, or sustain, let alone win, a civil war. And if the American are gone from Iraq -- if they Just Go -- the guerrillas are reduced to either proclaiming victory and disarming, or attempting to start a civil war they can neither win or sustain, organized around civil rivalries, not national resistance to an alien invasion.


Send more troops, but make them regional Arabs. In effect, Clark is just another "Yea" voice on the question of whether to pass an Emergency Supplemental Appropriations For Iraq And Afghanistan Security And Reconstruction Act, and give the regime another $87 billion to play out another fraction of a year of the ongoing destruction of Iraq.

I'm struck by the timorousness of Clark. Fill a room with guys, a solution will come, and it can't change the current situation by very much. Some other guys made a bad call a couple of years ago, and boy are they dorks. This is a fairly target-rich enviornment. The morons who own defense appropriations are going to blow most of the military budget for the next two decades on replacing armor with happy-happy networks of Microsoft Windows, under the theory that soldiers can stay dry when left out in the rain, if they are smart enough. Abu Gharib is just waiting for a Vetern's Desert Soldier Investigation (most of which can be done in the New Hampshire media market). Defense contractor corruption appears to be at least as big as it was when everyone fleeced the Union Army.

Worst of all, he doesn't have an answer to Riverbend. Its the economy, stupid. Not the testosterone.

March 16, 2005

The Return of Wes Clark

For background, Wes had a piece on the urban operation in Falluja, my comments are here, published in the NYTimes last November, two weeks after Operation Steal the Election in Ohio. Since then he's been below my radar, and i did try to ping him in mid-December.

He's sent out a note today to announce the launch of the new WesPAC website.

Over the next few days I'll post comments on what I find there. The gems of the last cycle were Senator Bob Graham's economic plan, Senator John Edwards' "two Americas" stump message, Representative Dennis Kucinich's adamant rejection of military folly in Iraq, General Clark's quick grasp of Indian issues and Eisenhower's vision of the corrosive and risk-prone military-industrial complex, and Governor Howard Dean's grassroots campaign model and frontal assault on Romano-Bapto-Evangilico-puritanism -- the social issues.

You all can comment there or comment here.

Update: email to info@wespac never got answered, not even "stop sending mail if you're not going to read mail", so I've unsubbed from the money-milking-machine I thought was a pre-campaign. Unidirectional "political" campaigns are a thing of the past, though they still are effective mechanisms to exchange soap flakes for currency.

December 21, 2004

My guess (updates)

24 hours post-event:


"It's looking more like indirect fire," said Col. Joseph Curtin, an Army
spokesman in Washington, meaning weapons like mortars, artillery shells or
rockets. If it was indirect fire, it is not clear whether the strike was a
random hit or whether insurgents somehow obtained coordinates of the dining
tent.

In Mosul, officials said that there was a single explosion, and that its
shrapnel created uniform perforations in metal kitchen appliances and other
objects, as if ball bearings or similar projectiles had been part of the
explosive device.


Begin Original Post:
I started groveling about looking for the original name of the site now known as Forward Operating Base Marez, previously known as FOB Glory, which used to be an Iraq AFB, which I saw at one point today but forgot to jot down. While I was reading I kept clicking missile-ward, and ended up looking at the Scud B documentation (Venik readers"R-7") ... minimum range of about 160 kilometers" and this:

For the missile to be accurate, it must be fired from a pre-surveyed site against a target whose coordinates are exactly known according to a common grid. The targeting problem is more serious than it may appear because the world is not perfectly round, and locating launch site and target to precisely the same standard of measurement requires both sites to be measured using a common system.

There have to be firing points more than 160km from FOB Marez/Glory that are on a common grid. My guess is that a unit of the Iraqi Regular Army is now 6 minutes and 555kg of payload away from anyplace in Iraq between 160km and 280km distant from their firing point. There may be more than one unit active, and more than one firing point that is operational, or could be made so. They won't be the first to have a fire-on-friendlies protocol for the deterence of mutiny, nor the first to have a fire-on-self protocol when overrun. GW1 and a decade of air surveillance coupled with an inventory of surface-to-surface missiles three generations deep, conventiionally armed and not completely known to US war planners, and ignored during the great ballistic WMD snipe hunt, is a risk.

This wasn't just another car bomber who got lucky.

Source: http://www.csis.org/burke/reports/941015lessonsgulfIV-chap11.pdf
See also: http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/iraq/mosul-airbase.htm

November 13, 2004

Comments on Clark in WaPo

[Comments indented.
Update: There is one thing Clark has to do before the '08 primary cycle begins. He has to run a competitive election. GHM: 14: p0(p0), 15: 8(0), 16: 267(12,13), 17:353(20,24,25),19:451,20:581.
EBW]

The Real Battle
Winning in Fallujah Is Just the Beginning

By Wesley K. Clark
Sunday, November 14, 2004; Page B01

Americans scouring news reports of the U.S.-led assault on the Iraqi city of Fallujah can be forgiven if they are experiencing a degree of confusion and uncertainty.

Air Force Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, assures us that U.S. and Iraqi government forces are advancing steadily through the insurgent stronghold and that the assault has been "very, very successful." Yet even as troops move street by street through the Sunni city, the measure of their success is elusive. There's no uniformed enemy force, no headquarters, no central command complex for U.S. troops to occupy and win. At the end, there will be no surrender.

Instead, the outcome of the battle must be judged by a less clear-cut standard: not by the seizure and occupation of ground, but by the impact it has on the political and diplomatic process in Iraq. Its chances for success in that area are highly uncertain. Will Fallujah, like the famous Vietnam village, be the place we destroyed in order to save it? Will the bulk of the insurgents simply scatter to other Iraqi cities? Will we win a tactical victory only to fail in our strategic goal of convincing Iraqis that we are making their country safe for democracy -- and specifically for elections at the end of January?


I disagree with General Clark on the substance of his next two paragraphs. First, there are always parties advancing their pet "predicate condition", and elections could have been held at any time since George Bush snuck in and out of Baghdad late last November, when Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani wrote to the Iraqi journal al Zaman:
"Perhaps it would be possible to hold the elections on the basis of the ration cards and some other supplementary information."

Bush, Bremmer, Sanchez have had their moments of holding the "predicate condition" batton, which has morphed from the ration card voter id "problem" to a general security "problem" and now, with John Negroponte and Iyad Allawi holding the batton, the City of Mosques "problem".

Once there is a "predicate condition", the only question of interest is who is holding the batton, not what the label on the batton is. The idea that Iraq can't find a legitmate government by direct elections while occupied by a foreign military power because one city isn't occupied hasn't passed its sell-by date, yet ... but ... it really means that there is no set date, and by extension, no exit. Wes Clark needs to reach down and find his 6th of June, his certain date on which elections will be held, even if it rains, no matter who gets wet, if he is to be President Clark.

Next, as I pointed out in Not to be contrary or anything ... but, "winning" in Falljua is wiffy. The US lost when political symbolism (see above) took precident over normal peace-keeping operations, and forces were re-deployed, long before the first shot was fired. It isn't any nicer that the political calculus that produced that decision could not anticipate that a major redeplyment to Falluja would enable opposition forces in brigade-strength to take Mossel in two days (Carter Ham) and stage over 100 operations in squad-strength or greater per day in central Iraq, weaken, or eliminate central Iraqi political participation in the election, or that operational errors of judgement (John Sattler) would create conditions generally meeting international standards for war crimes.

See also weathervanes.


An attack on Fallujah has been inevitable for many months. If we are to succeed in the democratization of Iraq, the interim government and its U.S. and coalition allies must have a "monopoly" on the use of force within the country's borders. There can be no sanctuaries for insurgents and terrorists, no fiefdoms run by private armies. Fallujah could not continue to be a base for those waging war on the Iraqi government and a no-go place for those organizing elections.

Now that we have engaged, there cannot be any doubt about the outcome. It, too, is inevitable. U.S. forces don't "lose" on the battlefield these days. We haven't lost once in Iraq. Nor in Afghanistan. Not in the Balkans, or in the first Gulf War. Nor in Panama. We fight where we are told and win where we fight. We are well trained, disciplined and, when we prepare adequately, exceedingly well equipped. We will take the city, and with relatively few U.S. casualties. And we will have killed a lot of people who were armed and resisting us.

But in what sense is this "winning?"

To win means not just to occupy the city, but to do so in a way that knocks the local opponent permanently out of the fight, demoralizes broader resistance, and builds legitimacy for U.S. aims, methods and allies. Seen this way, the battle for Fallujah is not just a matter of shooting. It is part of a larger bargaining process that has included negotiations, threats and staged preparations to pressure insurgent groups into preemptive surrender, to deprive them of popular tolerance and support, and to demonstrate to the Iraqi people and to others that force was used only as a last resort in order to gain increased legitimacy for the interim Iraqi government.

Even the use of force required a further calculus. Had we relentlessly destroyed the city and killed large numbers of innocent civilians, or suffered crippling losses in the fighting, we most certainly would have been judged "losers." And if we can't hold on and prevent the insurgents from infiltrating back in -- as has now occurred in the recently "liberated" city of Samarra -- we also shall have lost.

The battle plan was tailored to prevent significant destruction. It called for a slow squeeze, starting with precision strikes against identified targets, and followed by a careful assault directed at taking out the opposition and reoccupying the city, while minimizing civilian and friendly casualties. We have superior mobility, with heavily armored vehicles; we have superior firepower, with the Bradley's 25mm cannon, M1A1 Abrams tanks, artillery and airstrikes; we have advantages in reconnaissance, with satellites, TV-equipped unmanned aerial vehicles and a whole array of electronic gear. But urban combat partially neutralizes each of these advantages. A weaker defender can inflict much punishment with only a meager force fighting from the rubble, provided they fight to the death. So this has not been a "cakewalk." This has been a tough battle, and the men and women fighting there deserve every Combat Infantryman's Badge, Bronze Star or Purple Heart they receive.

During the recent presidential campaign, there was a lot of talk about supporting our troops in wartime. And yet calling what's going on in Iraq "war" has distracted us from marshaling the diplomatic and political support our troops need to win.

"Support the troops" can't mean letting Iyad Allawi expend them to ensure the right cast of dubious characters form the next government in Baghdad and the 19 provinces. Translated into American, we've just medivaced a half of a battalion of head wounds and amputees to Landstuhl to ensure that Ron Paige's replacement at Education, and John Ashcroft's replacement at Justice, are NeoCons, not Goldwater Republicans or War-time unity Democrats.

I'm not enamored with this next bit either. The primary agents of change in Iraq are Iraqis. How many battalion-equivalents is Syria supposed to have transit-facilitated? It has to be a number bigger than one to be militarily significant. Re-integration of Shi'i is just as likely to bring an end to wilayat-i faqih in Iran as it is to extend it to Shi'i Iraq, and more important than any number of Saudi clerics who begged for peace is the number of Shi'a clerics who didn't, Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani. Still, Clark concludes well after ritual utterances, that if Syria and Iran are already "in theatre", things won't improve.


To a considerable extent, the insurgency in Iraq has been supported by external efforts: Syria's facilitating of passage by jihadists, Iran's eager efforts to reintegrate Shiism and assure the emergence of an Iraqi regime to Tehran's liking, and efforts by some Saudis to reinforce Sunni dominance in Iraq. (On the eve of the battle in Fallujah, one group of 26 Saudi religious scholars urged Iraqis to support the insurgents.)

The success of our military efforts in Iraq is thus directly connected to the skill of U.S. diplomacy in the region. Certainly neither Syria nor Iran could welcome American success in Iraq if they believe it means they'll be next on a list of regimes to be "reformed" by the United States -- and yet that's precisely the goal of American policy. Bringing about change in those countries should be a matter of offering inducements as well as making threats, but not if it adds to the danger for our men and women in uniform. We need to choose: continue to project a grand vision, or focus on success in Iraq. Not only the safety of our troops, but the success of our mission depends on a degree of Syrian and Iranian accommodation for an American-supported, peaceful, stable, democratizing Iraq. And we won't get that support if they think they're next on the hit list.

It is equally important to seek a resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, which has fueled the recruiting efforts and determination of the jihadists we're fighting in Iraq.


Bravo. Linkage.

And then there's the matter of the political struggle inside Iraq. If, despite a high level of chaos, the elections do take place, the Bush administration must be prepared to accept and empower an Iraqi government and a nascent political process with sufficient independence to win support from the populace and undercut anger at the American troops. For most of a year, the effort at political transformation was been submerged beneath the rubric of "reconstruction" and hindered by the attitude that "security must come first." Security and domestic Iraqi politics go hand in hand.

Which brings us back to some of the factors that made last week's battle of Fallujah inevitable: a series of circumstances and errors in 2003 -- an initial coalition occupying force too small to achieve dominance over a historically restive population, the lack of a skilled political corps to reorganize the local inhabitants, the proscription of Baathist participation in the early postwar recovery and the disbanding of the Iraqi military. Then there was the aborted April 2004 effort to subdue the city, in which an under-strength Marine assault was called off by the White House. A silly plan of turning the city back over to a thrown-together Iraqi force left the enemy in control of the battlefield and turned Fallujah into even more of an insurgent stronghold.


1. Don Rumsfeld "fast-and-light" was a mistake.
2. Bremer, Senor, and dozens of twenty-somethings from the Heritage Foundation was a mistake.
3. Chalabi was a mistake.
All good. Then Clark goes awry. The April battle of Falluja goes into the MOUT experience as a battle in which the attacker did not have 4:1 force superiority, did not have isolation of the defended urban area, did not attain defeat or surrender of the defenders within four weeks, and therefore lost. Dan Senor and above at the Whitehouse ordered the assault on Falluja, and absent the force, isolation, and time factors, guaranteed the attack would end by some means other than "victory". Bush didn't screw up by stopping the attack, he screwed up by ordering it in the first place.

This insurgency has continued to grow, despite U.S. military effectiveness on the ground. While Saddam Hussein's security forces may have always had a plan to resist the occupation, it was the failure of U.S. policymakers to gain political legitimacy that enabled the insurgency to grow. And while the failure may have begun with the inability to impose order after Saddam's ouster, it was the broader lack of a political coterie and the tools of political development -- such as the Vietnam program of Civil Operations-Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS) -- which seems to have enabled the insurgency to take root amid the U.S. presence. These are the sorts of mistakes the United States must avoid in the future, otherwise the battle of Fallujah may end up being nothing more than the "taking down" of an insurgent stronghold -- a battlefield success on the road to strategic failure.

Troops are in Fallujah only because of a political failure: Large numbers of Sunnis either wouldn't, or couldn't, participate in the political process and the coming elections. Greater security in Fallujah may move citizens (whenever they return) to take part in the voting; it's too early to say. But it's certain that you can't bomb people into the polling booths.

We should be under no illusions: This is not so much a war as it is an effort to birth a nation. It is past time for the administration to undertake diplomatic efforts in the region and political efforts inside Iraq that are worthy of the risks and burdens born by our men and women in uniform. No one knows better than they do: You cannot win in Iraq simply by killing the opponent. Much as we honor our troops and pray for their well-being, if diplomacy fails, their sacrifices and even their successes in Fallujah won't be enough.

Retired Army Gen. Wesley Clark served as commander in chief, U.S. Southern Command and later as supreme allied commander in Europe during the war in Kosovo. He was a candidate for the 2004 Democratic presidential nomination.



Overall this is a pretty good piece of public dissent by a candidate. No military solution is possible, momentary appearences and parades to the contrary. American troops are being wasted. Even Vietnam compares favorably on the area of political accomodation with indigenous forces. I'm looking forward to something comperable from Dennis Kucinich, something not so focused on how illusory "victory" is, and more on what choices the Bush administration can make, and of course won't make, to end the war and start something other than war, tending, with difficulty, towards peace.

N.B. I supported Wes during part of the primary cycle, and set up the meeting between he and the Swanton Band of Abenakis. Ultimately I stood for Dennis Kucinich at the Maine Caucus and was selected to be a Kucinich Delegate to the Maine Democratic Party Convention. After I fulfilled that duty I switched to the Maine Green Independent Party.

October 30, 2004

Paging Mr. Bremer

Seventeen marines assigned to the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force were killed or maimed somewhere in the area of Falluja or Ramadi today. CENTCOM reports eight KIA and nine maimed.

Brigadier General Denis Hejlik, deputy commander of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force, is talking to the press about "whacking" the entrenched defenders of Falluja and Ramadi. I'm not sure that "whacking" and restricted Rules of Engagement parse in the same sentance. It seems a juvenile turn of phrase for the anticipated Military Operations on Urbanized Terrain that will be comperable to Huê.

Recent Releases (Camp Pendleton news)
10/27/04 Camp Pendleton Marine dies in Iraq (Cpl. Brian Oliveira, 22, of Raynham, Mass.)
10/25/04 Camp Pendleton Marine dies in Iraq (Lance Cpl. Jonathan E. Gadsden, 21, of Charleston, S.C.)
10/22/04 Camp Pendleton Marine dies in Iraq (Sgt. Douglas E. Bascom, 25, of Colorado Springs, Colo.)
10/18/04 Camp Pendleton Marine dies in Iraq (Cpl. William I. Salazar, 26, of Las Vegas, Nev.)

Updates as they come in.

Maj. Clark Watson (IMEF) told the Associated Press that it was a car bomb, and the KIA count is now 9 with 9 maimed. The 9th victim was killed by gunfire.

Major Clark Watson (IMEF) said the engagement occurred when a car bomb detonated next to a truck south-west of Baghdad. The IMEF event casulty report is now 8/10 (KIA/Maimed). In a seperate event today (10.31) three more marines have been maimed in an attack on their convoy in nearby Ramadi.
.

October 24, 2004

Operative styled as Diplomat

The Detroit Free Press has an interesting bit of pdf that contains the name of Ed Seitz, the State Department employee killed this morning at the Baghdad airport. It is the Government's response to the motion by the "Detroit Sleeper Cell" defendants for a new trial. But read the whole text, don't just seek down to the man's name, get a feel for his life and work, and for the details of the Wah on Terrah.

It gets better. Seitz offered "expert testimony" on sneaking a gun to an airliner. He offered "expert testimony" on the quality of government issued identification documents. He offered "expert testimony" on specific intent to harm Israel. He offered "expert testimony" on specific intent to "conduct an economic jihad against the United States". In each instance men were in jepordy of their lives, liberties, and property.

Department of State Special Agent Seitz interrogated John Clarke, an international man of terroristory organizer with the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) on February 19th, 2002. Mr. Clarke was in-route to a speaking engagement at Michigan State University, here is his write-up on his meeting with Seitz. Especially touching is the suggestion that Osama bin Laden is hiding in the mountainous Tora Bora region of Ontario, or working at a soup kitchen in Toronto.

Colin Powell waxes predictably on the virtues of a perjurer, but then again, he did doors campaigning for WMDs. In the topsy-turvy world of the embittered right, a man who could step out of the statist bureaucratic nightmare of Kafka's Castle, from a day of pulling the wings off of random civilians, and quote pages of Derrida and mock the intellectual timidity of "a single true narrative" and the fiction of "objective reality" while ... er ... improving on the evidence used to hang men, will be buried as a hero.

October 20, 2004

CFP: Cairo Conference on the Future of Iraq

[Update for the benefit of the ny.cfr.org reader:
see also archives/001292, published, and archives/001389 (unpublished as of this date). ebw]

23 days after the polls close in the US, there will be a conference in Cairo. The attendee list is the usual suspects -- France, Russia, Germany, Japan, the United States and most of the rest of the nations of Europe (the Club of Paris, collectively owed about $21 billion), Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (the Gulf Cooperation Council, collecively owned between $55 billion and $85 billion, depending on whether '80s Iran-Iraq war monies were grants or loans), the IMF (estimates Iraq's external debt at $122 billion, willing to make $4.25 billion new loans), the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, the UN Secretary General, the Confederation of Independent States (Russia), China, Iran, Israel (by proxy), Palestine (by proxy) and of course the Allawi regime and its creator, the Bush regime.

The governments of France and Egypt want examination of the continued deployment of US-led troops in Iraq to be on the agenda. The government of the United States does not. The "government" of Iraq wants "debt relief", (creditworthiness and access to private capital) to be on the agenda. The government of France has said the conference on the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1546 should also include members of the Iraqi insurgency. The government of the United States disagrees.


So why have a call for papers?

Because two goverments will not be present at the Cairo Conference, the goverments with the most at stake.

The legitimate government of Iraq, arising from elections for all Iraqi administrative and political bodies, consistent with the stated preferences of Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani (the highest authority for the Iraqi Shi�ites) and Mr. Talabani (the leader of the Patriotic Union of Iraqi Kurdistan), and others, made to Agence Press France a year before the conference, will be absent.

The legitimate government of the United States, arising from a careful and complete recount of the Florida ballots and elected, rather than the product of the 10pm December 12th 5-4 decision in Gore v. Bush, reversing Florida Supreme Court and ruling that manual recounts could not be conducted in a constitutional manner in the time remaining, will also be absent.

Either the Bush regime will be looking forward to another four more wars, and its clients will confident of their respective roles, or the Bush regime will be trying for the best lame duck "Final Situation" on Iraq it can manage during transition. It will be vapor-ware either way. The part that will matter will be what the Arabs and Persians and Palestinians and Israelies in Cairo hear from the Americans who are not present -- the beginnings of the Kerry/Edwards government policy.

Think of this as an alternate form of the Koufax Awards. If you are a serious foreign policy intellectual, or play one on the net, and Iraq is part of your self-imposed brief, submit. Submit a brief. Submit some part of a plan. Submit.

August 04, 2004

This morning's mail from Central Asia

This morning's mail brought us a press release from the Office of the Official Spokesman of Hizb ut-Tahrir In Pakistan [1]. Mr. Naveed Butt denies responsibility for the Hizb ut Tahrir for the three coordinated explosions that took place in Tashkent on Friday at the state prosecutor's office, which put 15 suspected al Qaeda followers on trial for bomb attacks in March that killed nearly 50 people, and the US and Israeli embassies. The Friday bombings killed the three bombers, a police officer and Ambassador Tzvi Cohen's bodyguard at the Israeli embassy, wounded a police officer at the US embassy who died of his wounds over the weekend, and wounded another seven at the state prosecutor's office.

A google search for human rights and any of the following: uzbekistan, turkmenistan, tajikistan, kazakhstan and kyrqyztan is a rich and rewarding experience, but the keyword of the day is uzbekistan. The first line of the Human Rights Overview is Uzbekistan has proven over twelve years of independence to be one of the most repressive countries in the Central Asia region. It doesn't get a lot better after that, other than regime in power in Tashkent is an ally of the regime in power in Washington.

From the initial government responses-on-record Friday to the present, President Islam Karimov has fingered the Hizb ut Tahrir for the attacks, when no forensic evidence could have yet been analysed to support such a claim, just as Jose Maria Aznar assigned blame to ETA for the Barcalona bombings, before forensic evidence could have supported any claim for causality. Another group, Islamic Jihad in Uzbekistan, claimed responsibility for the attack hours after it took place.

Since the main-line media are running with Karimov's story (evil Hizb ut Tahrir terrorists), and the response by the Hizb ut Tahrir isn't likely to see much daylight, I'm going to post some of here, with very minor edits to suite my tastes.

In order to continue state oppression on Hizb ut-Tahrir, President Karimov blames Hizb for bomb blasts

Office of the Official Spokesman of Hizb ut-Tahrir In Pakistan
Suite # 11, Moeen Centre
20 Abbot Rd., Lahore. Pakistan
Tel: 0300 441 6500

Hizb ut-Tahrir has no connection with the three bomb blasts carried out near the Uzbek Court and outside Israeli and American Embassy in Uzbekistan. The real motive of Uzbek President Islam Karimov to implicate Hizb ut-Tahrir in these bomb blasts is to gain legitimacy and moral ground for the ongoing state oppression and torture of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Uzbekistan. It is ridiculous that Karimov insists on holding Hizb responsible even though another group has already accepted responsibility for these blasts.

Currently Hizb's activists constitute the largest number of prisoners in the Central Asian jails. Moreover, everyone knows that Hizb is a political party and considers participating in armed struggle to achieve her goals, a violation of Shari'ah. Furthermore, getting rid of the Capitalist system and establishing Khilafah is a political change, requiring political and intellectual struggle, not military preparation. Hizb ut-Tahrir aims at mobilising the masses by producing political and intellectual awareness in them, so that they may achieve their rights by implementing Islam.

Today, people have reached the conclusion that if they were to gain liberation form the current slavery, it is absolutely imperative for the Ummah to unify and live under Islam. Khilafah is the only ruling system capable of unifying Muslims under a single leadership and implementing Islam, whilst the democratic ruling system is incapable of achieving either of the goals.


For those with working DEBKAfiles filters, their piece on who's who in Uzbeckistan is worth reading in toto, and the sections on the Hizb ut-Tahrir are better than anything I'm prepared to write. Here is the link. Its been above an hour and the ad.debka.com "data" still hasn't wended its way to Maine, but I'm not interested in anyone's advertisers, and you may not miss it either. The bottom line is that the US print journlists are running the Karimov script, and they probably should be a little less uncritical. Between 5 and 10 thousand nostalgic crypto-monarchists living mainly in Samarkand and Bukhara are about as "terrorist" as the subscribers to Burke's Peerage & Gentry.

A post on the difference between the restoration of the Caliphate and establishment of an Islamic Republic is on my queue of things to do, but I don't always get around to doing what I should do, as I've still got an item in my todo queue on Iran, something I promised myself sometime during the early Return of the ... One True King series.

[1] We started getting interesting mail from Central Asia after the first few Return of the ... One True King series were published.

[Sources: Le Monde, Globe and Mail, Reuters, Ha'aratz, DEBKAfiles, Muslim Uzbekistan]

February 22, 2004

Put down that tabloid and no one will get hurt

The Sunday Express has run a story. In 18 hours this story has been picked up by by (according to Google) 129 other online media outlets, from the Voice of America to the Jerusalem Post to ... heck, even the Anchorage Daily News. It is gospel truth running a 110% mind-share in the press.

The Sunday Express ran a similar story. In three days that story was picked up by fewer than 20 online media outlets. It was gospel false running a 0% mind-share in the press, outside of France and Asia. I wrote about it here, the comments are especially fun. I should be euthenized is one of the best comments ever.

One story has US in-country G-2 not actually able to locate a particular pit-toilet, unless assisted by semi-friendly semi-unfriendly autonomous armed forces sharing the same area of operations. That story was obviously "wrong", as American military intelligence is above reproach and inerrant, at least by right-minded folks.

One story has US and UK remote intel assets actually able to locate a particular company-sized enemy unit operating in a fixed position. OK. Except two hours after the story broke there were "I'm not aware of" quotes from the spokesperson for Islamabad.

Woodrow Wllson, John Pershing, Pancho Villa and the Punitive Expedition, Fall 1916 (an election year). 111,000 US troops in Chihuahua State. 10,000 American and 9,000 Mexican troops in Chihuahua City when he captured the prison and the Carranza military barracks. In February 1917 General Pershing and his army had decided to call it quits and retreat back to the states without catching Villa, or engaging opposing forces. For a look at how November 1916 played out, in Red and Blue, see this. In April President Wilson asked Congress for a declaration of war on Germany.

February 19, 2004

Return of the ... One True King (pt 5)

New readers, this part 5 in a series. The most recent prior installment is Part (4), Part (3) has links to Parts 2 and 1. 789.

Old readers, I'm going to continue the update format, top-posting. viz [now][old][older][the press].

[Update 2/22 7am EST: Xinhua ran a good process piece, devoid of all the outcomes and actors. Most of the press has the "two elections" story, conservatives win on ballots cast, and reformers win on ballots not cast.]

[Update 2/21 7am EST: APF reports reformists may retain about 60 to 100 seats. 10:45am EST: I get my first piece of unsollicited mail from the underground radical Islamic organization Hizb-ut-Tahrir in Central Asia. Gosh a mickle and dill a pickle, now I'm probably on one of John Ashcroft's little black lists, just when I was booking a flight to Rome to moan to ever-supine ICANN about Verisign's latest attempt to sack the Net o' the West. Oh, they want help getting rid of Musharraf. Replace Generals with Mullahs. Everyone's agenda for the 21st Century. Not. Still, more entertaining than the usual Nigerian 419 traffic.]

[Update 2/20 6pm EST: "At polling stations in Tehran, some observers said turnout was lower on February 20 than it was for last years municipal election, when under 12 percent of eligible voters cast ballots. In many cities, shops remained closed throughout the day and streets were virtually empty. At dusk, the streets filled with people celebrating the boycotts seeming success."
That from Eurasianet.org, so it is clear that in Tehran the conservatives failed, with all the resources at their disposal. Whether it is true or not, the fraud story has legs -- lots of them. The military is voting often. That's the kind of story you simply can't buy at the K Street K-Mart.]

[Update 2/20 11am EST: Voting is extended at least an additional 30 minutes, now that is a nice touch. It isn't just here in Oceania that the President is fabricating evidence to support war and domestic violence ... er ... vigilence. In Eurasia ... Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati (Sec. Guardian Council) delivered the following in today's sermon: "each ballot cast will fire a bullet into the heart of Bush". These guys should get together and free up one speach writer for something less redundant.]

[Update 2/20 4am EST: The candidate-stepped-down count is now at 1,179. The IIRC offices are sealed and its website is down. Next to go may be the Participation Front, led by the presidents brother, Mohammad Reza Khatami, and the Mujahideen of the Islamic Revolution Party. The WaPo has a nice piece on the last hours at Yas-e Nou.]

[Update 2/19 8pm EST: Albawaba.com reports that the number of candidates who have stepped down has risen to 888.]

[Apropos of nothing in particular, I've been ignoring the Bush Whitehouse's next slice of Niger Yellow Cake, but the sock puppets at VOA have Scott McClellan's on record that ``the Bush administration has "serious concerns" about reports that inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency have found previously undisclosed equipment in Iran that could be used to enrich uranium.'' First, under the IAEA rules, the equipment disclosure requirement is triggered when the gear gets dirty, not when its not, and the IAEA pointed out that the gear wasn't dirty. Second, the Bush Whitehouse passed on the NPT. Third, the rational "got fossil fuel, so all use of fissiles is weaponry" is wierd. Fourth, see the piece I posted on Lisa English's Ruminate This. Hold on to the handrails if the spinning makes you dizzy.]

[Update: 2/19, 4pm EST: Writing in Eurasianet.org, Ardeshir Moaveni has a good summary of the facts on the ground, both in the capital and outside. If you are going to read anything in the next 24 hours about Iran and the elections, from the Beeb/Reuters to NYT/WaPo, read this instead. This is what every educated person should know, not too little, and not too much, and no attempt to simplify or deconstruct the actors.]

Base: Elections in Iran are Friday. Yesterday the Letter-of-the-Hundred (my name for it) was made public. It is unsigned, but there are a hundred signatories. Jokes about Occulted Imams are not inappropriate at this point.

I need to steal some free time and write about what I think is the crux of the issue, the "conservative vs reform" and/or "secular vs clerical" dicotomies, which really are projections of the dominant trans-Atlantic culture's transition from one faith to another, is a dull mirror. [Do not wander into an extended essay on the limitations of Dualism in European discourse, or otherwise try to show off indigenous intellecutalism, which is a closely held secret. Keep the twenty cents. Ed] Speaking for the SCOTUS, Ayatollah Rehnquist ruled that the municipal elections committees of Miami-Dade were deviating from the Line of the Imam and were correctly arrested by Florida Provincial Executive Jeb Bush (younger son of the former Shah George Herbert Walker Bush), after the intervention of the American Revolutionary Guard Corps (ARGC - Pasdaran-e Inglish-qibab), dispatched by the Mullahs of the Lower House, lead by Mullah Tom DeLay ... It doesn't work. There are similarities, but it isn't As you like it, being performed by a sequence of high school drama clubs.

With that agreement with the future, here is what I know today. Two days ago the existance of the letter became public. The letter is consistent with the statement of Abu al-Fazl Rauf, et alia, that the legal basis for the acts authorized by Ayatollah Khamenei does not exist. Reuters caught the "violate[s] the legitimate freedoms and rights of the people" line, without catching the theological nuance, as if all the actors in this were differeing civil libertarians, rather than all or almost all, differeing Shi'i clerics.

Two newspapers published the letter, Yas-e Nou and Sharq yesterday. Today they were closed. I'll update as time and events conspire.

There is a wicked funny piece in what was the last, or next to last edition of Yas-e Nou, which is available here, at World Press Review On-Line. Read it and grin.

September 16, 2003

The Wes Factor

There's been a lot of speculation during the past month or so over the anticipated announcement of former NATO supreme commander Wesley Clark regarding his intentions, yea or nay, as to a run for the White House in 2004. The buzz has become so constant that it appears even the Dean camp, itself the beneficiary of previous buzz, may have been looking to dampen it with rumors of a discussions of a Clark VP spot. While such a suggestion may or may not have backfired on various levels, it doesn't look as if Clark is going away. And while commentators on various poliblogs such as Kos and Whiskey Bar have been lining up the Clark "hurts" versus "doesn't hurt" columns among the existing Democratic candidates, I have my own thoughts on the matter.

Now, the following speculation is not rooted in my personal preferences (Edwards) or even antagonisms among the excellent Democratic field. And I would hope that with all the discussions of "identity politics" of late, readers can appreciate that even those of us who "identify" with many issues directly effecting our particular group, we can still form criticisms and praise of candidates and positions independent of that identity. In fact, I've been mulling over these ideas namely due to my history as a Democratic campaign operative, not an advocate for Indians, special needs kids or even organic farmers. It's "hackery", and I don't mean that in a negative sense, pure and simple.

I believe that the Democratic establishment coming out of the 2000 election, and the '90s in general, had a vision for retaking the White House, either in 2004, or, in the worst case scenario, in 2008. And while many of us (even those of us who worked for him), fell more in love with Gore in the years following the election than during it, the real leaders of the party remained the Clintons. Bill had weathered the worst the GOP right could sling at him and still saw the US through the greatest economic expansion in 40 years. Gore had lost what should have been a commanding lead in part by divorcing himself from the Clintons, and all the good that went with it. As the moving force coming out of the election, Bill and Hill weren't about to let the next one slip away.

So there became the goal of finding the right candidate, as everyone knew it wasn't Hilary's time yet. Wounds were still too fresh, the Right still had its knives out. Democrats needed a candidate who not only could beat Bush, but who could survive the constant pounding of a Republican-controlled Congress. A few such candidates threw themselves into the mix; Kerry, Edwards, Lieberman and Gephardt for starters. Even the most liberal had a proven record of bipartisanship, something the Democrats knew would be an imperative in surviving four years of haggling over conflicting agendas. I personally tend to think that the Clintons themselves favored John Edwards: A youthful, intelligent populist with a similar background to Clinton's in Arkansas, he would keep the focus on the old Carvillian mantra, "It's the economy, stupid."

Then came the Iraq war. Democrats who had previously been unified under the banner of the economy, suddenly were split by the intervention. Most Congressional candidates recognized that voting against a still popular president in regards to a popular war might in fact be political suicide; It would be easier to backtrack afterwards if one argued for action, rather than if one voted against it. And frankly, no one in the Democratic leadership anticipated Howard Dean.

Dean changed everything. His strong grassroots organizing of mostly white professionals willing and able to open their wallets time and time again was nothing less than spectacular. And while not an unpopular figure in the Party or even the DLC, an organization in which he was a participating member for much of his time in office, the Democratic establishment feared such a candidacy. At first, it was because they honestly thought that he couldn't win; and I still think, if the economy improves or terrorism increases, many continue to believe this to be the case. However, now I think that, like the US in Iraq, Dean many be able to win the war, but lose the peace, and in the process cause long-term damage to the Party. The question is whether Dean, who if he wins the nomination will do so by the basest of partisan appeals, will then be able to retreat to the middle ground of bipartisanship. Or even more importantly, will the GOP, who saw the increasingly moderate Clinton as the devil incarnate, set an even larger bulls eye on Dean's Oval Office, and Dean, with little historical water under the bridge with House and Senate Republicans, or even Democrats for that matter, find himself besieged and incapacitated. In fact, if Dean continues his attacks on the "Party establishment", including legislators who voted for the war in Iraq, the Patriot Act and NCBL, he may find himself with very few allies on the Hill.

So what's a Party left to do? Well, if you have a developing grassroots movement calling for the candidacy of a long-time Clinton friend and supporter, one with much appeal to the very groups Dean has been able to tap into, as well as expanded appeal to those he hasn't (minorities, Southerners, etc.), you quickly jump on the bandwagon, hoping to avoid a train wreck down the line. Clark, at this point, has many pluses and few negatives, and obviously he's been well vetted by the DNC. And while he pulls votes away from many in the top tier, any argument that Dean is somehow immunized is seriously flawed. While a majority of Dean's current support may not bolt to Clark, the Governor is still polling less than 20% nationally. In fact, recent polls have shown that most Americans haven't yet tuned into the race. It's the potential Dean voters that Clark threatens. Progressive, anti-war, educated and upper-middle class white males. Wither go Labor, minorities, women and pro-war Dems is still up in the air; will they remain with current candidates or even get off the fence, trusting the inevitability of a Clark campaign?

I don't know if a Clark nomination is in fact a done deal should he enter the race. But I do suspect that the Party sees it as its best chance to derail Dean's recent insurgency, particularly since few of the other candidates seem to be willing or perhaps able to do so. And while few at the DNC truly want to alienate Dean supporters by openly promoting an essentially ABD (anybody but Dean) process, I think that looking beyond the preservation of any individual or group power to the solvency of the Party apparatus (particularly in a post-McCain-Fiengold, cash-starved world) is at the crux of the matter.

As far as a Clark-Dean or Dean-Clark ticket, I think it's a pipe-dream. Clark as a VP would only highlight Dean's thin resume on defense matters. Voters expect the Commander-in-Chief to have his hand on the Red Phone, not the VP. Dean offers little other than Dean's grassroots supporters, and frankly, as we minorities have often been apprised, where you gonna go? If the race looks tight, Clark as nominee picks someone like himself, but with more inside the Beltway experience, such as Edwards, who can possibly carry an otherwise Red state. If the Administration goes into complete meltdown, Clark breaks the glass ceiling and chooses a Southern woman or minority politico. Maybe Dean gets a Secretary appointment (HHS?) in a Clark Administration. But I strongly suspect that if he leaves Boston without the nomination, he heads back to Vermont otherwise empty handed.

[Now, while this all rings of smoke-filled back rooms and very anti-"democratic", the truth of the matter is we're talking about a party's nominating process. And while the Democratic Party is administratively much more "democratic" in selecting its general election candidate than the Republican Party (which traditionally utilize winner-take-all, versus, proportional, primaries), this is an organization whose core membership believes it should have a strong say in the nominating process. If voters aren't happy with that, don't vote Democratic. There are dozens of other parties, many I'm sure with fine candidates. But those who continuously denigrate the Party establishment shouldn't complain when they're not invited to the play in the big game.]

Update: Seems that soon after I hit enter, Clark announced he's in.

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