The pact between Chad Smith and Diane Watson is a much smaller affair than the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, but it leaves the citizens of the Cherokee Nation with two profoundly bad choices.
The pact worked out by Smith and Watson delayed full disclosure of Watson's bill until only one news cycle remained before the polls opened in the nine Cherokee districts of North Eastern Oklahoma.
Diane Watson did not want to disclose that Chad Smith was offering (a) Cherokee trust land, (b) a portion of the Arkansas riverbed settlement, and (c) creation of a fourth Federally Recognized Cherokee political entity, and (d) one of the five existing Cherokee Nation casino operations. Offers he is legally incapable of making, on behalf of the Cheorkee Nation (a & b), or the United States (c & d).
As early as March 13th Watson was organizing the Congressional Black Caucus to exercise Plenary Powers to prevent Smith's faction from violating the civil rights (Cherokee Nation law), of at least two thousand citizens of the Cherokee Nation and United States. As early as June 7th we contacted Diane Watson's office and were informed that her bill would be dropped "as early as next week" -- a week that ended June 15th, no fewer than seven complete news cycles before the polls opened, and the basic contours of the bill itself. As early as June 9th, the Vann plaintiffs filings contained language which contains the core of the Watson bill -- termination of government-to-government status, federal funding, and authority to conduct gaming under the IGRA, a full two weeks of news cycles before the polls opened.
There is only one reason why Diane Watson would want to suppress news in the last weeks of an election, whether the news was dropping the proposed bill into the "hopper" that sits on the House, or more electrifying than that, Chad Smith's offer to saw off bits of the Cherokee Nation, either to buy time, or simply to buy off, a case he can't win, which she knew, again, seven full news cycles before the polls opened in the nine districts of the Cherokee Nation. Congresswoman Watson needs an enemy more than she needs the Cherokee Nation electorate to make a change in the Tribal Council and Tribal Executives. Diane hearts Chad. Hers is fundamentally a phoney war, contrived, like the hunt for WMDs in Iraq after 2001, serving some completely different purpose altogether.
Edward Rydz-Smigly described the choices facing Poland in 1939. "With the Germans we run the risk of losing our liberty. With the Russians we will lose our soul". Cherokees, and Indian Country more generally, have two poor choices: side with Diane Watson or side with Chad Smith.
There is an alternative.
The Department of the Interior and the energy exploitation industry does not want a complete accounting of what is owed to the Cobell v Kempthorne plaintiffs in the Individual Indian Trust case. Secretaries Babbit, Norton and now Kempthorne have proposed pennies on the dollar -- their current proposal is $7 bn to fund disolution of the Individual Indian Trust, with no monies at all going to the individual Indian trustees, for a breach of fiduciary trust estimated in excess of $200 bn, according to the latest numbers from Attorney General Alberto Gonzolas, or 3.5¢s on the dollar.
Eloise Cobell and her team want the Individual Indian Trust Fund to be placed in receivership, with a court appointed receiver, who will open the books on what the energy exploitation industry paid, and as importantly, failed to pay, the Minerals and Mining Services of the Department of the Interior. The core legal problem -- knowning what the commercial terms were, from 1880's to the present -- will be discovered rather than invented.
In the present we have a legal mess consisting of two jurisdictions, Cherokee Nation and United States, with one, if not both, overturning a central act of the other in the past five years. We can't know the eventual D.C. Circuit Court's ruling on the issues, nor can we know if the D.C. Circuit will consider the the full scope of substantive law issues present in this tangle, and it is not impossible that if the case goes to the Supreme Court, the Roberts Court will fabricate an imaginary pan-Indian "fact pattern", as the Rehnquist Court did in Oliphant, which in turn created the necessity for repeated Congressional action to determin what personal jurisdiction tribal governments have over non-member Indians, and non-Indians, for misconduct within the tribe's territorial jurisdiction.
We don't actually know the law -- that is, there is no consensus among the candidates for office on June 23rd, 2007, as to what the controlling law, American or Cherokee Nation, is on this day. That is a problem for the citizens of the Cherokee Nation.
We don't actually know the law and we don't want the law to be invented. To have a rule of law we must first find the law, and that cannot be the product of "precident" that draws incoherently upon bits and pieces selected from two, or three, or even four or more, distinct theories of what the controlling law of the Cherokee Nation is on June 23rd, 2007.
The core political problem -- knowning what the law is, from the Constitution of 1839 to the Curtis Act to the Principal Chiefs Act to the present -- must be discovered, not invented. That is a problem for the members of the Federal Legislature.
The alternative we have is to draft a bill establishing a receivership for the Cherokee Nation, and to find a sponsor and co-sponsors for that bill, and to make the case in the Congress of the United States that there are better choices, wiser choices, than an up-or-down vote on Termination, choices that remove corrupt administrations from the control of the ballot box, and make the government-to-government relationship healthier for both governments, and the people each exists to serve.
We can't do away with Plenary Powers, as popular as that desire is, so we must find a way to work with Congress so that its Plenary Powers do the least harm, and the greatest good, while properly punishing the stingy.